\

THE LIBRARY

of VICTORIA UNIVERSITY

Toronto

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PRSS?113TED TO ! CANADIAN SCHOOL OF MISSIONS

COMPLIM^TS OF MISS GP.AC^ SYKFS

T,ik.-n from the MarM<- Tal.lrt ;it Hsianfu, Shensi.

ANALECTS

CONFUC

WILLIAM EDWARD SOOTHILL

Principal of the Imperial University. Shansi,

r.piler of l he Student's Pocket Dictionary, Trar^jator of ihe Wenchow New Testament, Author tff

1910.

PlifiUStlfcD.BY THE

"r:fi-.ca p. tbc Fiiknin I'ficfm- Coinp*oy i - In C5ii«m The Pre&bHfriat'Jt-A^-.T lo J»f »n The Methodist Putoiv'ftl»< *a hngfaiwl. Messrs iiliplum. Andcrrwa * Ferris in U. S. A. Tfce FJemioR H. Re\e,'i

.

THE

ANALECTS

OF

CONFUCIUS

BY

WILLIAM EDWARD SOOTHILL

Principal of the Imperial University, Shansi,

Compiler of the Student's Pocket Dictionary, Translator of

the Wenchow New Testament, Author of

a Mission in China, Etc., Etc.

1910.

PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR.

Printed by the Fukuin Printing Company, Ld., Yokohama Agents : in China. The Presbyterian Mission Press

in Japan. The Methodist Publishing House, Tokyo.

in England. Messrs. Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier.

in U. S. A. The Fleming H. Revell Company.

EMMANUEL

PREFACE.

The Discourses of Confucius, commonly known as the Analects, no student of Chinese, least of all the mission ary, can afford to neglect. In this brief treatise is revealed to us, more or less fully, the mind of China's most illust rious son, and consequently the mind of his race at its best. Here is the model on which for two thousand years this people has blocked the plastic mass of its mind and character. To understand the matrix is to understand at least the form if not the material of the impression, and in this book we have the die from which millions have been minted, sometimes of fine, more oft of baser metal. Nevertheless, however varied the substance, the form sought after has ever been the same, and he who under stands the revelation of China's model of wisdom, grace and honour herein exhibited, will also apprehend what is the noblest ideal, however imperfect, that this multitud inous race has set before itself. He will, too, by this means come into so close a mental touch with its aspira tions as to see distinction and dignity where before a swamp of mental and moral stagnation may have seemed to be his sole environment.

If any one ask why another translation be presented, the teply offered is that this work receives less attention at the

II PREFACE.

hands of the student than its importance deserves, and a new issue will at least once more draw attention to its exist ence and value. Should a further explanation be demand ed let it be that, except in an emasculated form, Dr. Lcgge's scholarly work is no longer within the reach of the student of limited means ; that that work was published long before the majority of the students of to-day were born ; and that, justly or unjustly, its phraseology has been criticised as too formal to make the Analects express to an English what they do to a Chinese mind.

My plan of work has been to make, in the first instance, an entirely new translation, without any reference to the interpretations of my predecessors. On the completion of such translation I then sought the invaluable aid of Dr. Legge, of Pere Zottoli, and of H. E. Ku Hung Ming. Dr. Legge's monumental work on the Classics is too well- known to call for further mention ; he has been throughout my guide, philosopher and friend. The more I see of his work the more deeply am I impressed with his pro found scholarship, his painstaking accuracy, his amazing research, and his perspicuity of expression. PereZottoli's version, published in 18/9, is in Latin and may be obtain ed in his Cursus Literature Siniciu, which covers the whole range of the Chinese classical education of a decade ago. H. E. Ku's work was published in 1898, under the title, "The Discourses and Sayings of Confucius," and the student is indebted to him for a rendering which is doubly valuable as expressing in fluent English an educated Chinaman's interpretation of this Classic.

Zottoli's is a an admirable work, though often marked

PREFACE. Ill

by an exceedingly close adherence to the text ; its rigidity of phraseology is uncalled for in an English rendering. Ku's version on the other hand, being made for English readers unacquainted with the Chinese tongue, is more a paraphrase than a translation, hence the libera lity of expression he allows himself presents a view of the Analects, — by no means always Confucian, — that is not to be looked for in the pages of translators more constrained by canons in general acceptation. Legge's work while emi nently a translation and not a paraphrase, is by no means slavishly literal, for his treatment of his " Author," albeit — perhaps like his Author — with a touch at times somewhat heavy, is always both sound and sympathetic, and as to his Introduction, it is a revelation of patient indomitable schol arship. To these three works, then, I have often been indebted for correctness of apprehension, and in some cases also for choiceness of phrasing.

Pere Couvreur's work came into my hands during the course of revision, as also did the Illustrated Four Books in mandarin, (see page 97). The latter takes the form of a catechism and was of some interest at first, but failed to be of service later on. Were it revised it would be of use to the Western student. Pere Couvreur's is an excellent version, and often exhibits that facility for felicity of expression for which his countrymen are noted.

A writer in the China Review thirty years ago satirising the " insupportable uncouthness " of the translations of his day, declares that " no language has ever been so ill treat ed as Chinese," and he lays down the law, — he is writing about verse,— that a translation should be " free from any-

IV PREFACE.

thing which may suggest to the reader that the text exists in another language." " No one, surely," he goes on to say, " who wished to pass for a genuine Highlander would carefully exhibit a pair of trousers under his kilt, and most of us like not when a woman has a great peard. But translators, as a general rule, are not content that the great peard should be there, they must stick it out, aggravate it, and flaunt it in our faces. They are anxious for nothing so much as to remind the reader at every turn that their work was Chinese before it was English, and, in fact, has only half cast its Chinese skin." Behold an ideal for a genius ! The least I can hope to have done herein is to shave off the " peard " ; for even if one stripped off the skin the Mongolian physiognomy must still remain beneath !

Should the reader derive as much benefit from his study of this fine old Classic as I have derived from translating it, his time will be well spent. For several months I have been living with a gentleman, China's greatest gentleman, whose company I have found edifying to the character, and whose sententious sayings I have again found, after twenty years of compulsory neglect, to reveal the nobility of human life from a thoughtful Chinaman's standpoint, and to enable one the better to present the rubies of Eter nal Christian Truth, fresh polished and in more graceful setting.

Our Lord did not destroy the Philosophy of the West; He purified and ennobled it. Nor will He destroy the Philosophy of the East, but will " fulfil " it, transform ing what is worthy from vain adulatory approval into a

PREFACE, V

concrete asset in the nation life and character. And if the West, with a Philosophy more brilliant than anything China has ever possessed, yet both needed and accepted the radiant Christian hope of Life and Immortality, and its entrancing vision of a diviner humanity, for the salvation of its soul, the satisfaction of its intellect and the perfecting of its Philosophy, how much greater is the need of this vast race, whose vital necessity is this same regenerating inspiration.

WENCHOW,

29, December, 1906.

NOTE.— This book was to have been published in 1907. It has how ever taken more than three years to print. Distance from the printers, a fire on their premises when part of it was destroyed, and the Author's removal to another sphere of work are responsible for the delay.

T'aiyuanfu, Shansi. August, 1910.

CONTENTS.

L— INTRODUCTION:

PAGE

I. The ancient history of China I

II. The life and times of Confucious ... 21

III. The history and authenticity of the

Analects 64

IV. Works on the Analects 74

V. The disciples 79

VI. Chronological table ... ... 9°

VII. Ancient geography of China 99

VIII. Terminology 104

Abbreviations 116

II.— TEXT AND NOTES 117

III.— RADICAL INDEX 934

IV.— TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST 1024

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Frontispiece. Portrait of Confucius, taken from the Hsianfu tablet. To face page 99. Map of Ancient China.

INTRODUCTION.

I.— The Ancient History of China.

The origin of the Chinese, like that of the other nations of the Earth, is veiled in the mystery of unrecorded aeons. Whence they came and how, who with certitude shall tell ? Surmise, we may, but who shall confirm ? Infer we may, from footprints dim and o'ertrodden, and who shall deny ? That this vast multitude had a beginning is certain, but where and when did it take its rise? Were they one of the many Mongolian tribes which occupied the Far East when Asia was still joined to the continent of America ? Did they, through the discovery of writing and its con comitant advantages, raise themselves above their fellows, the Tartars, the Ainos, the Japanese, perhaps the Red Indians ? Or did they, as is generally advocated, some three thousand years before Christ, leave the original habitat of civilised humanity in Western Asia, in obedience to some great centrifugal movement which drove the tribes of mankind forth from their common centre to replenish the Earth and subdue it? Such may have been the case : who shall tell ?

Let us at any rate accept this as the most reasonable theory, and think of the fathers of the Chinese race wander-

2 THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

ing, perhaps for generations, over the boundless praries of the North West, maintaining their families by pastoral oc cupations as they slowly forged their eastward way, a gradually increasing host, bringing with them, along with other arts of civilisation, a knowledge of and preference for husbandry, which led them to settle down upon the fertile lowlands of Shansi, and there to abandon a nomad life for a pursuit more in keeping with their inclinations. At least we may with reasonable assurance maintain that they were a pastoral before an agricultural people, for apart from the testimony of their architecture in the tent- like shape of the national roof, there is even less disputable evidence in the etymology of their language, sheep and cattle figuring as root-words in early and important characters. Such evidence we have in words like |J good, H excellent, J| justice, $£ pastor, shepherd ; and numerous others.

Granted then that the race set out from some common cradle of humanity, what did they find on reaching their Canaan, the country of their adoption ? The waste howling wilderness, through which they had wearily plodded their homeless way, no longer stretched forbidding hands against them, but even as the Israelite found a land which to him, after his forty years of aimless wandering, seemed to be flowing with milk and honey, so the pioneers of this vast race found a land of beauty, a " Land of Flowers," the name with which they early designated their heritage.

Nor was it an unhabited country that they discovered, for, even before them, numerous tribes of Hittites, Amale- kities, Jebusites, and Perizzites, in the shape of uncivilised

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. 3

tribes, had from generation to generation preceded them from the common ancestral home. These now viewed with natural anxiety this encroachment on their preserves, but were nevertheless compelled to submit to the iron law of humanity arid retire, the fierce hunter before the peace- loving farmer, to the north, the south, the west, and pos sibly even across the eastern waters. To this day some such tribes still maintain an isolated existence in the land, hedged in more by hereditary ignorance and apathy than by the active oppression of their masters, or the mountain fastnesses amongst which they dwell.

When the Chinese invasion set in the Lolo, the Shan, the Miao-tzu, and many another tribesman roamed the country at will ; to-clay he must adopt the civilisation of his conqueror, or win his livelihood from the sheltered mountains of Yunnan, Kueichou, Ssuch'uan, Kuangsi, Kuangtung, Chekiang, and of the islands of Formosa and Hainan. The original denizen of American wood and prarie strove with reeking tomahawk against the relentless invader of his hunting grounds, and with his face to the foe and his belt gory with white men's scalps, he took payment in blood for the land from which with tardy footsteps he receded. In China the conquest, though equally ef fective, was carried out more slowly, the tribes were less fierce and probably fewer in number than were the redskins, the disparity in numbers also between the races was less marked, and whilst violent collisions occurred, occurred indeed all down the ages until the Manchu Tartars ac quired the throne, early Chinese history records rather a policy of mutual toleration than of implacable hostility.

4 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

Concerning those pioneer days our evidence is of the scantiest, for the authentic histoiy oi China goes back little beyond the first inillenium B. C. What little can be learnt of those early days \ve find, along with another inil lenium of semi-historical records, in what remains to us of the Shu Ching fj g^ the editing of which is attributed to Confucius, and also in the pages oi Ssii-Ma Ch'ien T5 Jl!| xS> *ne Herodotus of China. The Shu takes us back to three great monarchs of yore, Yao, Shun and Yii fg^ ^ 3^ B. C. 2356 — 2197. Ssii-Ma Ch'ien, like the Bamboo Books, goes three centuries still further back, to the period of Huang Ti ^ '7jj\ B. C. 2697. He also makes a passing reference to Yen Ti tfe '7ft* > i.e. Shen Nung jfiijl Jl^ the reputed founder of Agriculture, B. C. 2737, and successor of Fu Hsi {£ ^^ the reputed Founder of Chinese civilisation, who first introduced clothing, cooking, dwelling in houses, and the art of writ ing to the human, that is the Chinese race. Tradition and imagination, local and imported, have carried back the mythical period to the days of Sui Jen 'JJg A> tne dis- coverer of the art of producing fire, to Yti Ch'ao /fj 4il> the Nest Possessor, or inventor of dwellings, and to Pan Ku jjjji -j§\ who chiselled out from chaos the heavens and the earth, the mountains and the seas. But such legendary testimony to the evolution of human civilisation, probably Hindu rather than Chinese, witnesses less to the method than to the early recognition of the process.

In brief, then, we may say that, ignoring the purely mythical, we posses three periods of Ancient History, — the legendary, which is not recorded in the Shu Ching ; the

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. 5

semi-historical, whose chronology is involved in doubt, but whose records contain authentic information regarding actual personages ; and the historical, whose chronology can be verified by the eclipses referred to therein, and whose relation of events may in general be accepted as trustworthy.

The earliest records handed down to us by Confucius, begin shortly before the first of the three great dynasties ofHsia J|> Shang ^ (or Yin Jft), and Chou JfK In these he introduces us to Yao and Shun, whom he and his successors have glorified as ideal Rulers, models for all future ages.

YAO* ^> known personally as T'ao T'ang Shih PS Hi «R> anc* imperially as T'ang Ti Yao, ^ ^f- ijj*^ is generally assigned to B. C. 2356. In character the Shu describes him as being endowed by nature with reverence, intelligence, refinement, and thoughtfulness. That as a Ruler he had predecessors, whether universally acknow ledged or not, may be inferred from the state of govern ment and civilisation indicated in the Shu, but to him is directly ascribed the earliest unification of the Empire, and the elevation from their previous state of semi-barbarism of " the black-haired race." To him is also attributed the regulation of the Calender, a work of exceeding difficulty in those early days, by the employment of astronomers He announced that the year consisted of 366 days and in stituted, or at least restored, the intercalary month for the proper regulating of the year.

* See j^ g, H JL Shu Ching Yao tien.

6 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

A vast body of water is said to have covered the Em pire, "embracing the mountains and overtopping the hills, threatening the heavens with their flood." This resem blance to the Noachic flood, together with the similarity of sound between the two names, for Yao is in some southern dialects pronounced Nyao or Nya, led some early translators to infer that Yao was Noah, an inference hard ly supported by the Chinese records. Yao sent his minis ter Kun Jjjj to reduce this mighty flood, who failed and is said to have been put to death in consequence. Later, Yu 3$ the son of Kun, subsequently founder of the Hsia dynasty, made a more successful attempt.

Finally, when Yao had been on the throne seventy years, being anxious to arrange the succession in his life time, he passed over his own unworthy son, and married his two daughters to a stranger named Shun ^j^ recom mended to him as one whose virtu re was so great, that he had been able to transform the character of his un principled parents and his dastardly half-brother, all of whom had frequently sought his life.

SHUN ^f^ who was found to satisfy all Yao s require ments, reigned as his regent from 2287 to 2258 the year of Yao's death, when Shun mourned him for three years and then reigned under his own dynastic title of Yu Ti Shun gj tffr $$^ his personal appellation being Yu Yu Shih 4} I'li J£> During his fifty years of rule he made personal tours of inspection all over his Kmpire, the calendar was perfected, the country divided into provinces, the channels deepened for the waters, laws and ordinances laid down, and proper officers appointed to administer the

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. 7

government for the people's welfare. When he had been on the throne thirty-three years, being over ninety years of age, he appointed his minister, the afore-mentioned Yii as his successor, sharing the Imperial power with him till his death. Shun died in 2208, and Yii after the usual three years of mourning took over the reins of govern ment.

THE HStA H DYNASTY. WithYU^> 2205— 2198, begins the first great Chinese dynasty, which ended 439 years afterwards with the infamous Emperor Chieh £j| . Yii, as already noted, had distinguished himself in the days of Yao, by his successful labours in draining the country of the devastating waters which covered its surface. Setting out four days after his marriage, for nine years he took no rest, heedless of food or clothing, cold or heat ; heedless also of his wife and child, whose door he thrice passed without entering, though the cry of the child whom he had never seen reached his ears. In his address to Shun we have a picture of the herculean labours that fell to the lot of this early Chinese pioneer, and the faith fulness with which he devoted himself to his country's welfare. " The floods," says he, " assailed the very heavens, vast in their extent they encircled the mountains and overtopped the hills, and the people were perplezed and hemmed in. By four different modes did I travel (cart for road, boat for water, sledge for mud and spikes for hills), clearing the timber along the mountains, and shewing the people how to obtain fresh food to eat. A way did I open for the nine rivers to flow to the four seas, and ... sowed grain, thus shewing the people how to ob-

THE ANALECTS .' INTRODUCTION.

tain the food of labour as well as the food of the chase. I urged them to barter and to exchange their stocks of goods, and in this manner all the people obtained grain, and all the States were brought into order."*

While Yii was draining the country he, at the same time, partitioned it on the principle of five concentric squares, the first being of five hundred li square, the next five hundred li beyond that, and so on. The central square was the Imperial demesne, the next belonged to the nobles, the third was for defence, the fourth was the frontier square, and the fifth was the wild domain. All this is attributed to the period preceding the death of Yao.

On the demise of Shun, Yii at first withdrew, in order that the son of his sovereign might ascend the throne, but the people still had a voice, if not in the selection, at least in the acceptance of a sovereign, and that voice being insistent, Yii was induced to accept the throne. His reign lasted but eight years, when during a progress to the south, evidently with the old pioneering fever still strong upon him, he died, as is said, in this province of Chekiang. Like his two predecessors he elected his prime minister to succeed him, but was in fact followed by his son Ch'i J^^ who thereby set up the great Hsia dynasty, thus establish ing for good and for ill the principle of royal primogeni ture in the Empire. The dynastic title of Ilsia is sup posed to have been adopted from the name of the district over which Yii had been in command before his call to the throne.

*

ljfi Hook IV l^gJ Fuller details are given in I he

ij

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. 9

With an interregnum of forty years this dynasty lasted from 2205 to 1765 B. C, and consisted of seventeen sove reigns. Of these there is little of note recorded until we reach the last, the Emperor Chieh gfe^ a name held up to abhorrence in Chinese classical literature. Endowed with great physical strength, able to twist iron bars like ropes, he yet became the slave of an abandoned wife jfc Jg^ presented to him by her father, the Chief of Shih $jjj, to propitiate him and thereby procure the withdrawal of his invading forces. The Court was transformed into a palace of debauchery, Chieh though past middle age yielding himself, along with his wife and courtiers, to the most out rageous profligacy ; — a lake of wine, trees laden with de licacies, ivory chambers, majestic towers, every luxury that lust and licence could suggest.

In the fifty second year of Chief's reign the Prince of the State of Shang, impelled as he felt by Heaven itself, at tacked this debased and debasing ruler, deposed and im prisoned him until his death three years later, and himself took over the control of the Empire.

THE SHANG -jg, or YIN & DYASTY. With T'ang yj^ the Prince of Shang, commences the second of the three great ancient dynasties. As in the case of the Hsia so with the Shang its first dynastic title was adopted from the name of its Founder's territory, examples of which usage are found in our own House of York, Lan caster, etc. The title Yin was adopted three and a half centuries later, from the name of the town to which the Emperor P'an Keng j| |g removed his capital.

The prolonged existence of the House of Hsia had by

IO THE ANALECTS. INTRODUCTION.

this time so established the recognition of the divine right of kings that T'ang, while expressing confidence that he had been divinely appointed as the scourge of God against an evil sovereign, was not left with unruffled conscience

o '

over the part he had taken in destroying the great Yii's succession.* But if history interpret truly, there was no one as well qualified for, or justified in, accomplishing this epoch-making dynastic revolution, for not only was Chieh a criminal against the Empire's welfare, but T'ang himself was no rank outsider, since, equally with Chieh, he traced his ancestry back to Huang Ti, that root whence all his predecessor on the throne are believed to have sprung.

His " Announcement " on ascending the throne, f refer red to in An. xx, is a manly statement, one of the best in the Shu, revealing along with a transparent humility, a readiness to bear his own and the sins of his people, and a devotion to their interests that were worthy of a more en lightened age. It is also recorded of him that once when a terrible drought wasted the land and a human victim was deemed necessary, he himself went clad in white to the Altar of Heaven, and there offered to immolate himself as a victim to God on behalf of his people. The Shu goes on to say that copious rain immediately fell which saved the country.

He changed the Imperial colour, which was black under the Hsia dynasty to white, took the last month of the Hsia year for his first month, and employed sagacious men as his co-adjutors, with whose aid he reduced the Empire to

Slf n. i. t fll ; jg 15 nook iv.

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. II

order. One of these, I Yin ffi ^3\ referred to in An xii. 22, he appointed Regent at his death, and when the young monarch, T'ai Chia -fc f$ ^ grandson of T'ang, yielded to self-indulgence instead of attending to the duties of his position, I Yin removed him for a period to the tombs of his ancestors. In that sacred spot he was urged to ponder over their virtues and his own errors, with eminently satisfactory results to the young man and his future rule.

Fourteen sovereigns followed T'ai Chia before the above named P'an Keng, B. C. 1401 — 1374, in succession to his brother, ascended the throne. Deeming it advisable to remove his capital, whether to propitiate the Fates by re turning to the neighbourhood of the ancient seat, or in consequence of some overflow of the Yellow River, he induced his people, with much difficulty, as is shewn in the Shu, "gf flf Book vii, to remove to a place called Yin $£ in modern Honan, this being the fifth removal during the Shang dynasty. Eleven sovereigns followed him, two of whom were his brothers, thus making with himself and his predecessor four brothers who successively sat on the throne.

Wu Ting, j£ T whose posthumous name is Kao Tsung rHj n£> a son °f Hsiao, one of these brothers, arrested for a time the downfall of the dynasty so imminent at this period. On his accession, in a dream he described as God given, he saw the features of a man whom he was instruct ed to seek out as his minister. Search was duly made and this man Fu Yen |sj j^l was discovered and called from following his occupation of a builder. Being brought

12 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

before the king he proved to possess a sagacity so emi nent, that Wu Ting on installing him in office addressed him in the following interesting terms :* — " Suppose me a sword, and let me use you as my whetstone ; suppose me crossing a wide stream, let me employ you as my boat and oars ; suppose me a year of drought, let me use you as my copious rain ; you shall open your mind and refresh mine ; you shall be my medicine, which if it do not disturb will not cure ; you shall treat me as one walking barefoot, who not looking at the ground will hurt his feet." Wu Ting's reign lasted for the lengthy period of nearly sixty years, from B. C. 1324 to 1266.

One of his successors, Wu I j£ £j> 1 198-1 195, seventy years later, is said to have been the first maker of an image in China, which indeed he made not for worship, but in order to ridicule all religion. The image he called the "Spirit of Heaven," and backed himself against it in play, appointing some one to throw for " Heaven." The image lost and he disgraced it. Making a leather bag and filling it with blood, probably also placing the image within it, he set it up in a high place and pierced it with arrows, declaring as the blood flowed down that he was killing Heaven. Ssii-im Ch'ien records that shortly after wards he was killed by lightning.

The dynasty was now fast crumbling to pieces, but an other Chieh was to arise before a succourer came forth to put an end to a House which, beginning nobly, was to perish, like its predecessor, in the profligacy of a king and

* # ; S TS viii.

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. 13

the shamelessness of his consort, and which was to be succeeded in its turn by a third, which time and luxury would also emasculate and destroy.

The dynasty of Shang with its 28 sovereigns, lasting 644 years from B, C. 1766 to 1123, was brought to an awful close with the reign of the tyrant Chou %$ ^^ Noted like his prototype Chieh for his great physical prowess, he was in addition a man of mental alertness, both of which gifts he prostituted to the gratification of his passions, inventing orgies that put those of Nero into the shade. Like Chieh, too, his debauchery arose from a passionate attachment to the woman who became his wife, by name Ta Chi jjg. £^ the beautiful daughter of the Chief of Su j$j^ against whom Chou had once marshalled his troops. Again unbridled extravagance and disgrace ful revelry, to which was added horrible inhumanity, plunged the country into the miseries of tyrannical mis- government. The wild excesses of Chieh being insufficient to gratify the voluptuous palate of this monster and his evil wife, others were invented. A lake of wine in which men and women wallowed and perished intoxicated, trees hung with the choicest delicacies, naked men and women drunk with wine chasing each other round the palace gardens ; tortures of the most cruel description ; the heart less breaking of men's shin bones to see which had the most marrow, the young or the old ; the Heater for burning men, the Roaster for grilling them alive ; the disembowelling of men to examine their hearts, the chop ping of others to minced meat, — such a tale of debauchery, callousness and woe as, if not exaggerated, has never been

14 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

surpassed, if equalled, since the world began. That the Empire must be rid of such a savage became manifest, and the man appointed to this great work was already in the making.

THE CHOU J|] DYNASTY. That man was Fa, $£ otherwise known as Wu Wang, j^ 3E> He it was who became the saviour of his country, and the Founder of the Chou dynasty. Born in the State of Ch'i JU>, of which his father was lord, he was brought up under the best of influences. His father Ch'ang ^ the Chief of the West, better known by his posthumous title of King Wen 5C 3E\ was a ruler intellectual, honourable, and of great admini strative ability. So admirably did he councluct the gov ernment of his State, that people flocked from the oppres sion of other rulers to enroll themselves under his protec tion. Accused before the tyrant Emperor as a danger to the royal power he was thrown into prison, and while incarcerated there he occupied his lonely hours in the study of Fu Hsi's diagrams, represented by the modern Pa Kua /\ tjtj^ and in the compilation of a commentary thereon which, completed by his son King Wu, has come down to us as an important part of the Yi Ching JJ |5g „ China's famous book of divination. The expenditure by his son of a large sum in the way of ransom, and the pre sentation to the Tyrant by Wen's affectionate subjects of a handsome concubine and a number of fine horses, secur ed his release. Being commissioned thereupon to reduce the frontier tribes, he augmented his army, which became so efficient that, when he died, he left his son Fa the most powerful noble in -the land.

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. 15

In due time the impulse came to Fa, to succour his dis tressed country from the miseries it was suffering under the grinding heel of its tyrant, and on first taking the field he was at once voluntarily joined by Soo princes and chieftains, who flocking to his banner urged an immediate advance on the Capital. Fa, however, asserting that Heaven had not yet utterly cast off the Emperor, diverted the host against and subdued the unprincipled ruler of Li 3j^ as a warning to the Emperor of the temper and re solve of his barons. Impervious to such an admonition, and deeming himself in secure possession of his ancient in heritance, the tyrant added impost to impost and crime to crinie, for the gratification of his ever changing never satiated deskes, until the cry of the people aroused Fa to once more lead forth his forces.

In his " Great Declaration " he thus indicts his sover eign :* — " He has sawn through the shin bones of men who were wading in the morning, he has cut out the heart of the good man, he has used his majesty to kill and slay, he has poisoned and afflicted all within the four seas ; he honours and trusts the depraved and crooked, he has ex pelled his advisers and the guardians of his throne, he has cast aside the laws, and imprisoned or enslaved his upright officers. He has ceased to observe the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and to make offerings in the Ancestral Temple* He makes wonderful devices and extraordinary contriv ances to please his woman. Hence God is no longer with him, but with a curse sends down upon him this timely ruin."

V. I.

16 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

After this declaration Fa led on the attack against the enervated host of this wanton Emperor, and on the plains of Mu $C obtained a brilliant victory. The tyrant fled to the palace of Lu T'ai, the splendid scene of his vile de baucheries and crimes, and having arrayed himself in his Imperial robes, set fire to the palace and perished in the flames, while the evil consort of his shameful vices was seized and executed.

Thus began the great dynasty of Chou, which dating from B. C. 1122 ended 867 years later in B.C. 255. King Wu, reigned for seven brief before joining his fore fathers. Me died it is said when 93 years of age, leaving a son, a minor of thirteen, in charge of his brother, Duke Wen 3£ of Chou J^ a man noted through later ages for his noble character and statesmanlike conduct.

Wu and Wen planted the Mouse of Chou, as William the Conqueror planted the Norman dynasty, in a soil volcanic and unstable, that contained within it the sure elements of its own disintegration. Desiring to reward those who had stood by him in his destruction of the Shang dynasty, and at the same time of binding them to his own House, Wu establish the baronial order, partition ing the Empire into fiefs, great or small, according to the merit or position of each baron.

These territorial magnates, with their independent powers, Wu left as a heritage of woe to his descendants, and it was but a short time ere they reduced the imperial power to little more than an empty name. Under a powerful sovereign refractory barons could be forced into submission, but with a weakling swaying the sceptre, as

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. I?

is the certain issue sooner or later of every monarchical succession, jealousy, hatred, strife and internecine warfare, with their exhausting exactions in men and means, the depleting of the land, and the despair of the race was the inevitable outcome. In but little more than three centuries the power of the nobles exceeded that of the Emperor, and with every succeeding century this power, and the disorder it naturally involved, reduced the Empire to a band of warring States with a merely nominal head, to whom the haughty nobles gave scarce a show of allegiance.

It was now, when the nation had well nigh reached the nadir of its political degradation that it also attained to the zenith of its intellectual development, in the pro duction of the three great philosophers of the Far East, Confucius, Mencius and Laocius. The mysticism of Laotzii, the morals, religion and politics of K'ungtzu, and the literary polish of Mengtzu, all which came into existence during this the Augustan age of China, while lacking the insight and brilliance of contemporary philoso phy in the West, record the highest point in the arc of this nation's genius.

That these three have not been surpassed is no sign that they will not be so by their successors of the present age. Even the Christ taught Ht's disciples, " Greater things than these shall ye do," and what the Chinaman of to-day, oppressed with the deadweight of his ancient masters, needs is to realise that he too is capable of equal or greater things than they. Nevertheless in these three we behold what is the limit of China's unaided intellect,

1 8 TIIK ANAI.KCTS : INTRODUCTION.

and whatever advance she may make will and does depend on a wider touch with the wider philosophy of wider minds. These three philosophers, then, mark the maximum per se development of the mind of this race, and with them that development, perhaps not without intent so far as the Confucian School is concerned, has been arrested. The heterodox schools of this period, that of Yang Chu jf§ ^ the self-centred Epicurean, of Mo Ti g ||^ (Legge's Mih Tcih), the generous apostle of Universal Love, and of Hsiin Ch'ing !gj j^ (Legge's Scucn K'ing), who fitly closed this troubled dynasty with his treatise that man is by nature evil, — these heterodox schools were completely obscured, as was natural, by the less extreme and more powerful repre sentatives of their conservative rivals.

Little remains to be said of the sovereigns who intervened between the days of the Chou dynasty's great Founder and its great destroyer Ch'in Shih Huang ^ in £?.^ In brief, three centuries after the foundation by King \Vu, saw the Imperial sceptre a veritable " bauble," so that for five centuries, the eighth to the third, the history of the Chou dynasty is the history of its rival States. During tin's latter period the power of the Ch'in State >£' by slow degress became dominant, and with the dethronement and death of Nan $jj the last Kmpcror, the House of Chou passed finally away.

Thus was the way opened for the strong man of China, whose success in welding this continental nation into one great Empire rivalled the feats of Cccsar and Napoleon. Though the new dynasty was not founded by Ch'in Shih

I. ANCIENT HISTORY. IQ

Huang, and lasted with its five Rulers less than fifty years, he is the one outstanding feature in its brief history. The Duke of Ch'in who destroyed the House of Chou was named Chao Hsiang ftg jl^ He reigned but five years, and his son Hsiao Wen ^ j£ who followed him reigned but three days. It is chronicled of Chuang Hsiang $£ H> the son of the latter, who also succeeded him, that before his grandfather had claimed the royal prerogatives, he, Chuang Hsiang, fell in love with the beautiful wife of a crafty merchant whom he met, and who subsequently became his prime minister. This woman, already pregnant, he persuaded the husband, Lu Pu Wei § /p ~^\ to part with ; she became his wife and in due course gave birth to a son, who, the offspring of this wily merchant ambitious of mind and low of morals, was destined to unite the rival States of China into one great Empire, While still a youth the evidence of his mother's immoralities, and his real father's con nivance therein, compelled him to banish her, and ultimately to quell a revolt raised by his father, the end of which was the suicide of the latter. Gradually over coming all baronial opposition he became absolute in the enpire, altered the laws, changed the system of government, destroyed or sought to destroy all books that upheld the glories of the past, and generally brought a force to bear on a paralysed nation that none dared to withstand.

Inflated with his success he styled himself Shih Huang Ti #n al *rff^ The First Emperor, his son was to take the title of Erh Huang Ti, or Erh Shih Huang Ti

THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

— Hi 3 'rf?> the Second Kmpcror, and so on for " ten

thousand generations." Alas ! for human ambition, his own reign lasted but twelve short years, his elder son was murdered by the younger, for the sake of a throne which he held for three years only, and after Shih Huang Ti's grandson had sat on the throne for a few brief weeks this " dynasty of ten thousand generations" came to a bitter end.

As to the literature oi China, while what we possess of it dates only from the dynasty of Choti, and especially from the three centuries of its decline, it must ever be remembered that its foundation was laid in the two preceding dynasties, and that Confucius and Mencius were the topstone rather than the foundation ot their country's genius. To change the metaphor they are the bright particular stars that shone in a sombre night, and the very sombreness of the background, both then and since, lias lent an exaggeration to their brilliancy which a brighter sky would have toned to normal hue, and which after the long and dreary night must, at this late hour, pale before the roseate flush of advancing Day.

II.— The Life and Times of Confucius.*

As shewn in our last chapter when China's great Philosopher was born, the third historic dynasty, that of Chou, was wearing to its close, the blood which had coursed so vigorously in the veins of the martial Wu was running thin in the arteries of his degenerate descen dants, £nd the feudal system, founded to strengthen the Empire, had reduced it to a congeries of warring States, awaiting the advent of Ch'in Shih Huang, who was to break the power of the barons, and unite their mutually antagonistic territories into one great empire, an empire which, under different dynasties has continued and in creased to our own age.

Confucius, then, was born into a troubled period. The barons more powerful than their nominal sovereign, encroached and made war upon eath other, at the instiga tion of ministers more crafty and ambitious even than themselves. The suffering people were ground under the iron heel of the impost gatherer, dragged from their fields and set to forced labour at and for the pleasure of their rulers, and driven to battles and raids in which they had no interest and from which they derived no benefit. That this statement is not exaggerated is borne witness to by incidents in the life of the Sage. Once,

* Confucius is the Latinised form of K'ung Fu-tzu ?L 5fc "?> as Mencius is of ~jjfc -j" ' > Micius of 4|| -f* ^ etc.

22 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

for instance, when he was passing by Mt T'ai he heard the mournful wailing of a woman on the hillside. Send ing a disciple (T/ii Lu) to enquire why she sat wailing in so lonely a spot he was answered, " My husband's father was killed here by a tiger, my husband also, and now my son has met the same fate." Then why, asked Confucius, did she dwell in so dreadful a place. " Because " answered she, "here there is no oppressive ruler." " Scholars," said he to his disciples, " remember this : Oppressive rule is more cruel than a tiger."

Power amongst these barons bred luxury, luxury lust, and lust unrelenting destruction. Princes there were who .set all morality at defiance and lived lives of open shame, as witness the acceptance of the present of eighty geishas by the Duke of Lu, an act which drove our Sage to shake the dust of his native State off his feet, and depart to the life of an exile. Men of virtuous character, despairing of reformation, left their portfolios and withdrew from the world, becoming recluses amongst the mountains, or far from the busy haunts of men, tilling a hard living from an earth kinder and sweeter than the hearts of princes. Some of these, embittered by their sorrows, even poured scorn on Confucius, for his futile attempts to stay the " disorder which like a swelling flood " rolled in resistless torrent through the land.

It must be remembered that the China of that period did not cover anything like half the territory included in the China of to-day. On the north it was bounded by a line running through the northern half of Chihli, Shansi and Shensi ; on the cast by the Yellow Sea ; on the south

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 23

it barely crossed the banks of the Yangtse, and on the west it probably nowhere touched the borders of Kansuh. The capital was at Lo % near to the modern Honan Fu. This territory which had formerly consisted of 1 24 States of varying size, had now by the absorption of the weaker been reduced to a nominal 72, of which the five most powerful were Ch'i ^ Ch'u ^ Chin g> Ch'in ^ and Yen $16 ^ and the seven next in importance, Lu @^ Cheng ft}, Sung 5fc, Wei $J, Ch'en gjC, Ts'ai ^ and Ts'ao igf\ The remainder of our present China, as already shewn, was thinly peopled with tribes of aborigines, who in later ages were gradually driven across the present borders, or survive in the mountains of the south and west to our own day.

Such then was the China into which our Sage was born. His ancestry is by some traced back to the great Huang Ti in the 2/th century B.C., and at least there seems reason to believe that he was a descendant of the Duke of Sung ^fc^ a brother of and successor to Ch'i, the Viscount of Wei, referred to in An xviii I, who was half brother to the tyrant Chou jj?j\ One of his ancestors, Cheng K'ao Fu j£ ^ ]}j\ was a man of learning and research, whose son K'ung Chia Q £J an officer of talent and honour, was murdered by a powerful minister, who coveted and carried off his beautiful wife, only to obtain her as a corpse, for during her abduction she strangled herself.

In consequence of the undying hatred which resulted fiom this outrage, the K'ung family three generations later were led to remove themselves from Sung to Lu

24 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

^> and here K'ung Cilia's great grandson Fang Shu \>Jj ^ obtained the governorship of the town of fjj from which he derived his name, and where the grandfather of Confucius, Po Hsia fg J£ was born. Po Hsia's son, our Sage's father, Shu Liang I lo ^ §6 %£^ was noted for his strength and courage. Once when attacking a city the enemy, by a ruse, enticed his men within the open gate, and were already lowering the portcullis to entrap them just as Shu Liang Ho reached it. Such was his prowess that, laying hold of the portcullis with both hands, he succeeded in supporting it till the last of his men had escaped.

This brave officer had passed the age of three score years and ten ere his illustrious son saw the light. Already nine daughters had been born to him by his first wife, . also by a concubine a cripple son, Meng P'i, (St. $L ah'as ffl JS) ^ ^ut novv> though advanced in years, he again found a wife, so youthful a maiden that the ancient historian Ssu-ma Ch'ien, B. C. 163-85, speaks of the marriage as §p & an irregular union, which by some Chinese scholars has been unnecessarily interpreted as an indication that Confucius was a natural child, but which is generally believed to refer to the disparity in age between husband and wife. It would be gratifying to have no legendary phenomena to record connected with the Sage's birth, but as they exist, and throw light on the exaggerated value at which later ages have assessed him, it seems necessary to briefly introduce them here.

A spirit is said to have appeared to his mother f$j; $: saying to her : " You shall have a son, a sage, and yuu

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 25

must bring him forth in a hollow mulberry tree." During her pregnancy five old men, the spirits of the five planets, led before her an animal, in appearance like a small cow, covered with dragon-like scales, and with only one horn, to which the mother attached a piece of embroidered ribbon. This was the supernatural lin jj%^ which only appears on the advent of a Sage. A creature, similar or the same, with a piece of ribbon on its horn, is said to have been caught two years before the Sage's death, and on his going to see it he burst into tears, recognising it as the //;/ that had appeared to his mother, and whose capture he now imagined to portend his own death.

On his mother informing the father of her vision, and asking if there were such a thing as a hollow mulberry in the neighbourhood, he informed her that a cave of that name existed not far away, and there she is said to have brought forth her son, a spring bubbling forth for his bath and dying away immediately afterwards. " The child was of an extraordinary appearance ; with a mouth like the sea, ox lips, a dragon's back," and the top of his head either unusually prominent, or affected with some abnormal protuberance from which he derived his name of Ch'iu JJ^ a character which when* referring to the Confucius the Chinese pronounce mou J£ " a certain person," and from which they generally omit the shorter down-stroke.

Such are some of the phenomena associated with the birth of this remarkable man. The last item of his personal appearance may be considered reasonably authentic, for the ancient Chinese seem to have had

26 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

f.he habit of naming their children from their most out standing feature, as for instance Laotzii and his ears, Li Krh ^ If and Lao Tan -J£ Jjfl^ The remainder of these legendary fancies we may put aside as unnecessary demands upon our credulity, contenting ourselves with the knowledge that Confucius was born to a young woman by an old father, that he grew up of more than average height, was of unusually dark complexion, — in some places his images are black, — and was of features far from prepossessing, indeed the absence of his image from Confucian temples has been accounted for on the somewhat unlikely score of his ugliness. Whatever may have been his personal appeal ance one thing is certain, that he grew up with a mental and moral energy surpass ing the generality of men in his day and generation.

During childhood he gave indications of his future tastes in a love for playing at sacrifices, and while yet a young man he became a centre of influence as a Teacher. At nineteen he married, and a year afterwards obtained a subsidiary appointment in charge of a ducal granary, and later of the ducal lands. While filling these offices he found time to improve his own education and to aid others in a like advancement. Gradually his fame spread and his disciples increased in number. They were of varied ages, some boys, others grown men. Hence, though he may have called them all, both young and old, his /J> ^f- little children, the term must always be understood in its widest sense, the sons of his intellect.

His later career, hampered by conscience, was scarcely even moderately successful, death being necessary to

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 2?

appreciation. Though he lived to a ripe old age, travelled in many States, maintained his course in all honour, and won the reverence and love of his disciples, the princes of his day saw in him little but a pedantic philosopher with Arcadian notions impossible of realisation. Only after his decease did any of them recognise that the mountain had indeed fallen, a mountain that the princes of the land from that day to this have been, with more or less failure, endeavouring with much acclamation to rebuild.

The habits of the Sage may be learned from the tenth chapter of this book, where he is described by his disciples in all formality, his and theirs. From it we learn much about him. He was careful about his dress both for day and night wear, and particular about its quality, style, and congruity of colour and season. He was most scrupulous about his food, both as to quality, mode of preparation and service : he would eat nothing in the least tainted or badly cut. In wine he allowed himself liberty but not licence. His public bearing was punctilious to a degree, and in private he permitted himself no undue freedom,— not even in bed. He was gracious and kindly, but never fully relaxed himself even to his son, to whom it is incredible to imagine him as ever amusing. He was a true sportsman, giving his bird its chance and only shooting it on the wing. He was also we may judge, able to ride and drive, and not merely to sit in a carriage, and it seems evident that he was well acquainted with archery. His habits and perhaps his character may be summed up in one sentence from Cap X. 9 : " If his mat were not straight he would

28 THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

not sit on it." He was a punctilious gentleman of the old school, to whom our modern laxity, not to say flippancy of manner, would have amounted to immorality.

As to his mental and moral attitude we find him, as may be surmised from his habits just referred to, first and foremost a formalist. This word indeed sublimates his character. His power of self-control was admirable, and duty was ever his lodestone. Of religious instincts from his childhood religious he remained throughout his days. With too evenly balanced a mind to sympathise with the fantasies of the superstitious, he maintained a mental attitude towards the unseen world which was respectful but never familiar, reverent but never fervent. Knowing God only as a Majesty and never as a Father, the spring of his affections could not bubble joyously forth, indeed such joy would have seemed to him frivolity, and while he was not without true affection, as witness his poignant distress on more than one occasion, yet expression of affection he deemed it the pait of a philo sopher to rigorously repress.

To a rigid and estimable code of honour he united an urbanity and courtesy, which made a profound im pression upon his followers, and which failed not to influence men in more exalted station; I. 10; but his honour ever prevented his courtesy from degenerating into sycophancy, for the sake of advancing his public principles, much less his private welfare. His moral life remained untainted in the midst of a corrupt generation, in which vice flaunted itself in the open, and virtue shrank away abashed and in despair.

II. 1HE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 2Q

That there are occasional adumbrations of that honour which is associated with Christian ideals is only to be expected, but he dwelt in an earlier and darker age and deserves the greater consideration. Perhaps his most serious offence against higher morals was the breaking of an oath taken under compulsion. When travelling towards Wei, caught by an officer in rebellion against that State, he took a solemn oath not to proceed further, but regaining his freedom he did not hesitate to pursue his journey to Wei. Being asked by a disciple whether it was right to break such an oath he replied," It was a forced oath. The spirits do not hear such."

There are two other recorded instances, one of ap proval for a brave man, who covered his gallantry in bringing up the rear in a sauve qni pent by saying his horse refused to move ; and another when he declined, on the score of sickness to see a visitor, — probably an old scholar who had misbehaved, — and yet played his harpsichord as the visitor departed to let him know he was not really sick. That such laxity on the part of China's noblest Exemplar has fostered that disregard for truth for which this nation is so notorious, can hardly be denied, and we may justifiably condemn and deplore it, but there are spots even in the sun, and Confucius, malgre the exaggerated notions of the Chinese, was only a man with human frailties.

Nevertheless, the student who through the following pages spends a few months in his company, will find that he is associating with a man whose general moral inte grity, conscientious probity, methodical carefulness, con-

3O THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

servative decorum and love of culture, will not be without refining influence on his own character, and which more over will enable him to clothe whatever noble thoughts he may have in garb better suited to the climate.

As to his doctrines though they chiefly relate to the relationships between man and man, they are far from destitute of an element higher than mere humanity. The powers of the unseen world have their acknowledged part in controlling the spirit of man in his duty to his fellows. God, the Supreme Ruler, is recognised as a Being to be revered and worshipped. He it is who has produced the order of the Universe, and decreed the various classes of mankind. Associated with Him are a multitude of spirits* who have their distinctive spheres in the direction of affairs celestial and terrestrial, and by these the good are guided and protected. The spirits of a man's forefathers are also and especially to be worshipped, as if they were present, a worship upon which the well-being of society is dependent. There is room in such a system for unlimited multiplication of gods and spirits, with the natural consequence that the national, and therefore in a sense Confucian deities of China, altogether apart from the Taoist and Buddhist cults, have become legion.

Sacrifices, propitiatory rather than expiatory, are or dained for approaching the object of worship, for with empty hands it were unseemly to come. Virile sentiments are given utterance to in connection with such offerings, see XX. i. et alia, and it is recognised that the spirit in which the worshipper presents them is of higher value than the gifts themselves. That Jesus Christ the Universal

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 31

Sacrifice will ultimately abrogate the rivers of animal blood annually shed in sacrifice throughout this empire, and therewith the idolatry and superstition of China, is merely a question of time and faithful service, but may we not gratefully admit that the sacrifices retained and handed down by Confucius have kept open the way of approach to the abode of the Divine until the great Day of Atonement ? Sin and its punishment are acknowledged, the punish ment being looked for in the present rather than in a future existence. Reformation from wrong doing is re quired, rather than penitence and appeal for remission. Prayer is recognised as a duty, and as acceptable and efficacious ; but it is not daily prayer or a sanctifying communion with the Divine. It is rather the formal petition accompanying a sacrifice, and should be preceded by fasting and bathing. No priesthood or mediator is required, the worshipper being his own priest and the sacrifice his medium of acceptance ; yet, in a sense, the Emperor is the high priest for his people, the officer for his district, and the father for his household. Moreover the regulations for ceremonial sacrifices are many, and on great occasions a director, or master of ceremonies, is a necessity to order. Only the Emperor may offer the State sacrifices to Shang Ti, the Over King, but the ear of Heaven is open to the cry of all, even of the repentant evil doer. A future life is not denied, though Confucius avoided the discussion of it ; he did indeed in a measure confirm it by his insistent demand for sacrificial remem brance of the ancestor, and his command to worship the ancestral spirit as really present.

32 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

As to liis ethical code it is excellent and practical, but by no means heroic. Prosaic and not poetic it commands respect rather than admiration, indeed, both in its religious and its moral aspect, the whole code of Confucius resembles the wintry silver of the moon, rather than the golden glow and warmth of the sun. Nothing is left to the imagination, nothing stirs it, for to him the romantic would have been repugnant, and to turn the other cheek pusillanimity. He did not even rise to the height of Laotzii in advocating beneficence to enemies, for if he returned good for evil what had he left to return for good ? On the contrary he proclaimed the sacred duty of the vendetta, that a man ought not to live under the same heaven with the murderer of his father, ever need to seek a sword for the murderer of his brother, or live in the same State with the murderer of his friend.

The word ' to lie ' does not occur, but he advocated earnestly the value of sincerity. His five cardinal virtues were human kindness, rectitude, decorum, wisdom and sincerity, fn , jg^ jjjf^ ^> fg> and the Prince was to be the Exemplar of these virtues to his people. Indeed, in his teaching, the Prince was the viituoso for whom the song was written, and to which the people were the chorus, for it must always be remembered that Confucius was a courtier, hence in his system, the gracious influences of Virtue were to stream down from the lofty height of the Court to the lower level of the people. Morality and religious ceremonies were his panacea for all the many ills of his age. Alas ! that the Princes should have despised the panacea.

IF. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 33

The highest point in his moral teaching was the golden rule negatively stated : " What you do not want yourself do not extend to others." Asked to sum up his code in one word he chose the term $£1,^ shu, which Dr. Legge translates Reciprocity, but which seems to mean more than this, for reciprocity means, Do as you are done by, whereas jgjj^ suggests the idea of following one's better nature, that is, Be generous, a nobler sentiment, though lacking the life-blood of the crowning word of Christianity. Mark XII. 30, 31.

Duty to parents, continued after death to a degree that is an unjust tax on the life of the living, a tax impossible of redemption save to the very few, takes the leading place in the ethics of the Sage. Respect for elders follows in its train. Adultery is described somewhere as the chief of sins. Loyalty both to prince and friend is inculcated, as also conscientiousness in all one's doings. Respect and reverence have already been referred to. Rectitude and self-control, courtesy and moderation find also a notable place. Neither riches nor culture compare with moral character, which takes precedence in value of all mundane honours, and what constitutes the excellence of a neigh bourhood is not its wealth but its Virtue. Virtue and Religion jjjfl^ are a greater renovating power than punish ments. Character will out ; it cannot be concealed. Prejudice is to be avoided, and an unbiassed judgment to be cultivated. Only the truly virtuous can be trusted to love and to hate. The ready of tongue are unreliable. • In conclusion neither pleasure, nor honours, nor wealth are the summum bonum, but Virtue, for it is the founda-

34 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

tion of true happiness, and this Virtue is to be attained through the energy of the individual will.

But the aim of Confucius was not so much the renova tion of the individual as the renovation of the State, his mind and object was ethico-political, his desire the renais sance of the golden age of antiquity through a return to the virtue of those Arcadian days. Hence, as already remarked, the Prince as Father of his people, must take the lead, and as the rivers that make fruitful the land take their rise on the mountain tops, so moral renovation must begin at the summit of the State. Alas! the mountain fops were waterless, and what our Sage was able to pour upon them rapidly distilled in so rare a moral atmosphere, for if the rich shall hardly enter into the realm of moral nobility, how much less shall Princes, degenerating genera tion by generation through the allurements of luxury and lust, be able to filter the vitalising waters of moral chastity to the shrivelled souls of their people? On these arid heights Confucius failed, for even in his own State, when the indications were most hopeful of success, the eighty singing girls of Wei gj^ proved more potent than the virtue of the Sage, and in the end it was in the hearts of his poorer disciples that his doctrines found their early and more hardy growth, rather than in the Courts of the great. Though failure dogged his wandering footsteps while with men, his philosophy was not allowed to die, and notwithstanding that it has never satisfied the people at large, as witness the success of Taoism and Buddhism, it appeals to the conservative and educated element, *and has become both the base and summit of Chinese religion

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 35

and morals. A man who has lived so long in the affec tions and esteem of a huge nation cannot but be classed amongst the mightiest forces of the past, but his inferiority to Moses, who lived a thousand years before him, either as legislator, administrator, moral philosopher, or religious Seer, is manifest to those who are willing to study the Pentateuch, and his own writings as well as those of his disciples lack that throbbing pulse of divinity which has made the history, poetry and soul-inspiring prophesy of the Old Testament live with perennial vitality. Confucius nobly did his best, despite a limited vision and an inelastic nature, to benefit humanity with what inferior material in history, poetry and ritual he had to his hand, and the archaeological student may well be profoundly grateful to him, for rescuing so much matter of varied interest and value from the rapacious maw of destructive Time, and the more barbarous hands of ignorant men.

Proceeding next from the general to the particular, the following is a more detailed sketch of the Sage's life, the salient features of which are to be found in Chutzu's Introduction to his Commentary, and in Legge's more exhaustive Introduction to his version of the Analects.

The philosopher K'ung -JL^ whose name was Ch'iu f£,» and whose cognomen was Chung Ni ffi /g> was by family origin of the State of Sung ^* His father was Shu Liang Ho $( §j& $£> and his mother, of the Yen jfK family, gave birth to him in the city of Tsou |Ug ^ in

* -JL means Hole; j£> a mound; 'ft > the middle of three, i.e. secundus; /jj ^ is said to be the name of a mountain the j§ j£ hill to which his mother prayed for his birth.

36 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

the district of Ch/ang P'ing f\ ^^ and State of Lu $}N on the 21 st day of the nth month in the 22nd year of Duke Hsiang Jg^ which was the 2ist year of the Emperor Ling Jg^ or in other words in B. C. 551.*

As a child, in his games, he amused himself by arrang ing sacrificial vessels and performing the ritual accom panying the sacrifices. His father died when he was three years old, and according to Dr. Giles his mother married again, a statement I have not been able to verify. At fifteen he devoted himself to study, II. 4, but being in humble circumstances he was evidently for the most part his own teacher, IX. 6. At nineteen he married, the lady being from the Sung State, of the family Ping Kuan ff H\ His son, born the year following, was named Li $}f!^ the Carp, as is supposed in consequence of a present of that fish by the Duke of Lu. Li's cognomen became Po Yii fg $j , or Fish Primus. The present from the Duke also indicates that Confucius had already received his first official appointment, which was in the ducal granary, and soon afterwards he was put in charge of the ducal pasture lands. In his 22nd year his know ledge of antiquity attracted to his side a number of disciples, and he entered upon his career as the founder of a school destined to perennial fame.

About this time, in B. C. 529, his mother died, and he removed his father's body from its place of temporary

* This is the date in general acceptation, but T.egge adopts that of the Ch'un Ch'iu commentary, the 2ist of Ilsiang, which however he also makes B.C. 551. His system of computing dates varies from the usual method by a year, through his commencing our era with a O thus: H. C. I ; A. D. ; A. D. I. See his Shoo King Intro, p. 167.

IL THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 37

interment, burying it with his mother's. The mound raised by him over their tomb, four feet high, being about finished, he left the final details to his disciples and set off homewards. In the meantime a violent storm came on, and his disciples on arriving had to explain that their delay was due to the rain having broken down the mound. Thrice they repeated their answer to his incredulous ears, when he suddenly burst into tears, crying that "they did not build such mounds in olden times." As his reason for building the mound he remarked that he was " a man of the north, the south, the east, and the west," one who knew not whither Destiny might lead him ; for already he seems to have had premonitions that his life would be spent far from the resting place of his parents, which without its tumulus might be lost beyond recovery.

During the three years of mourning he no doubt remained in Lu, probably, as the custom was, out of official employment, but pursuing his teaching and his " researches into the history, literature and institutions of the empire." It is said that he learnt music from the noted musician Hsiang pjjj J| in B. C. 523, and he tells us that somewhat later, in his thirtieth year, his convictions and objective in life had become defined. II. 4. In B. C. 518, a powerful minister of Lu, Meng I ^ fjg^ conscious of his own deficient religious (i. e. ritual jjj§) knowledge, gave orders on his deathbed that his son Ho Chi fij g was to be sent to Confucius, of whom he had acquaintance. The advent of this youth with another young noble, Nan-kung Ching-shu $f ^ $£ ^ related to him, gave immediate prestige to the school of Confucius.

3y THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

It was probably in this year that his famous visit to Laotzti, the unwitting founder of Taoism, occurred. Acquainting Ching-shu with his earnest desire to visit the Imperial Capital to see the Imperial Temple services, and to make enquiries of Laotzu and other authorities con cerning the ancient ritual and music, Ching-shu named the aiatter to the Duke, Chao Rg^ who put a carriage and horses at his disposal for the journey. The capital was at Lo fft now Honanfu in Honan, and Laotzu was at that time Keeper of the Imperial Archives there. He was apparently recognised as an authority on questions affect ing ritual, and one may surmise that he was already well- known as a moral philosopher. The following is Dr. Legge's account of the interview :

" They met and freely interchanged their views, but no reliable account of their conversations has been preserved. In the 5th Book of the Le Ke, which is headed, " The philosopher Tsang asked," Confucius refers four times to the views of Laou-tsze on certain points of funeral ceremonies, and in the Family Sayings, Book XXIV., he tells Ke K'ang what he had heard from him about ' The Five Tes,' but we may hope their conversation turned also on more important subjects. Sze ma Ts'een, favour able to Laou-tsze, makes him lecture his visitor in the following style : — ' Those whom you talk about are dead, and their bones are mouldered to dust ; only their words remain. When the superior man gets his time, he mounts aloft ; but when the time is against him, he moves as if his feet were entangled. I have heard that a good merchant, though he has rich treasures deeply stored, appears as if

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 3Q

he were poor, and that the superior man whose virtue is complete, is yet to outward seeming stupid. Put away your proud air and many desires, your insinuating habit and wild will. These are of no advantage to you. This is all which I have to tell you.' On the other hand, Confucius is made to say to his disciples, ' I know how birds can fly, how fishes can swim, and how animals can run. But the runner may be snared, the swimmer may be hooked, and the flyer may be shot by the arrow. But there is the dragon. I cannot tell how he mounts on the wind through the clouds, and rises to heaven. To-day I have seen Laoutsze, and can only compare him to the dragon ! "

Confucius was profoundly impressed with his visit to the Capital, especially with his visits to the Temples and grounds of Heaven and Earth, and the Imperial Ancestral Temple. In the last he saw a " metal statue of a man with three clasps on his mouth, and his back covered with an enjoyable homily on the duty of keeping a watch upon the lips." Nor was his interest any less in the Audience Hall of the Barons, called the Hall of Light, where the walls were adorned with representations of the various sovereigns of the dynasty, including that of the faithful Duke Wen of Chou, with the young Emperor Ch'eng, son of his great brother Wu, seated on his knee. " Here you see how Chou became so great," said Confucius to his followers. " As we use a glass to examine the forms of things, so must we study antiquity in order to under stand the present." He pressed his enquiries in regard to music with the Court musician Ch'ang Huang, who is said

40 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

to have observed in him many marks of the sage, river eyes, dragon forehead, long arms, tortoise back, ex ceptional stature, manner, memory and information.

On his return to Lu his following greatly increased, with which conservative statement Chutzu contents him self, but other recorders possessed of a more vivid imagination have fixed the number at three thousand. That he may have, had so many from first to last is possible, especially as many would count themselves his disciples who never had permanent residence with him, or attended regularly in his school, but who came for special information.

The year after our Philosopher's return to Lu, 13. C. 517 and in his 35th year, Duke Chao of Lu in the 25th year of his rule, asserted himself against the three powerful chieftains Chi ^% Shu $, and Meng 5^ who had kept him in tutelage throughout his reign, had usurped his prerogatives, taxed his revenues and maintained him as a mere figurehead. Failure attended his effort to throw off the intolerable yoke, and worsted in his resistance he fled to the State of Ch'i ffi^ which adjoined Lu on the north. Seven years later lie died a fugitive in the State of Chin ff Ch'i's western neighbour.

Lu being in a condition of rebellion Confucius also withdrew to Ch'i, then ruled over by Duke Ching jp; XVI. 12; XII. n ; XVIII. 3 Here he heard for the first time the ancient music of the Emperor Shun, which so affected him that he lost interest even in his food. VII. 13 ; III. 25. The Duke offered him the control of a township, but he elected to decline the offer. Later the

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 4!

Duke, pleased with his reply to a question, that "the art of government lay in an economic use of the revenues," again proposed to offer him the district of I Ni J^Jt jg but was dissuaded, according to the Family Sayings %£ f^\ by his chief minister Yen Yung Jc "B> wno looked upon Confucius as a visionary and impracticable.

Confucius apparently remained eight years in Ch'i, but after the death of Duke Chao returned to his native State. B. C. 509. In the meantime the heir to the dukedom had been deprived of his birthright, and another representative of the ducal house, named Ting ^g made Duke. It was in the first year of this prince that Confucius then in his 43rd year returned to Lu. At that time Lu was indeed in low water, for the nominal ruler was a mere puppet, and the very chieftains who had expelled his predecessors were themselves in the hands of their own underlings. Two of the more powerful of these subordinates were Yang Huo [^ g XVII. I, and Kung-shan Fu-jao & ^ $5 S XVII. 5, the former of whom once actually im prisoned his master Chi Huan *jt ^g^ then the most influential of the chieftains, who had to make terms with his own servant Yang Huo for his release.

During this period, in all about fifteen years, Confucius was out of office, though often tempted thereto by the recalcitrant servants of their equally recalcitrant masters, and without doubt he put his time to better use in research, in recording, and in teaching. To this period also is ascribed the only instance that has been handed down to us of his conversing with his son, whom he apparently

42 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

treated exactly as he did his other disciples, XVI. 13. If also it be really true that he divorced his wife, of which there is lack of satisfactory evidence, it is here that it should be placed. In face of the manner in which Li, her son, bewailed her death, such a divorce seems incredible. Li Chi II, I. I. 27.

In B. C. 501, being the ninth year of Duke Ting, and the 5 1st of the Sage's own life, after he had refused to follow the fortunes of Xung shan Fu-jao, the Duke also having expelled Yang Huo, and obtained control of his State, Confucius once more accepted office, being appoint ed governor of Chung tu r{* $JK In a year he had produced a transformation which in the pages of the ^ |g approaches the marvellous. His regulations assigned " different food for the old and young, and different burdens to the strong and the weak. Males and females kept apart from each other in the streets. A thing dropt on the road was not picked up " etc., etc. The Duke, struck with such reformation, asked if his method could be applied to the whole State, and was answered that it could be applied to the whole Empire. Thereupon Confucius was promoted to the Office of Works, in which he distinguished himself by his survey of the State and his advancement of agriculture. His next office was that of Chief Justice, whereupon all crime ceased to exist.

During his tenure of this high office, the head of the Chi clan having carried his enmity against the late Duke Chao to the Duke's grave by burying him apart from his predecessors, Confucius dug a trench round the entire

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 43

cemetery, frankly telling the great Chi that he did so to hide his, Chi's disloyalty. About the same time also he showed his courage and sagacity by saving his Duke from capture at the hands of the Duke of Ch'i ^^ A meeting had been arranged between the two princes, at a place known as Chia Ku ffi %}^ for the purpose of entering into an alliance, but the adviser of the Duke of Ch'i suggested the possibility of abducting Duke Ting, and but for the alertness of Confucius this would have been carried into effect. In the end not only was the alliance entered into, but Confucius recovered territory which Ch'i had unjustifiably annexed.

When Chief Justice he was in the habit of consulting those present at a trial as to their opinion of the case, and deciding according to the best opinion offered, a sugges tion, as Dr. Legge points out, of our jury system. Once when a father brought his refractory son for a punishment involving the death penalty, he put both in prison and subsequently released both. On being remonstrated with by his prince he j-eplied, " When superiors fail in their duty, and yet propose to have their inferiors put to death, this is not right. This father has not taught his son to be filial."

About the same time his disciples Tzu Lu -jf- jj$ and Tzu Yu 3f- Jjjf entered the service of the Chief of the Chi g| clan, and assisted Confucius in bringing about the dismantling of the cities of Pi J^ and Hou JQ^ the former the stronghold of the Chi, the latter of the Shu clan, but he failed to reduce Ch'eng $£ ^ the stronghold of tfo? Meng clan. The dismantling of these strongholds

44

THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

was necessary to the firm establishment of the ducal power. " He strengthened the ducal House and weakened the private Families. He exalted the sovereign and depressed the ministers. A transforming government went abroad. Dishonesty and dissoluteness were ashamed and hid their heads. Loyalty and good faith became the characteristics of the men, and chastity and docility that of the women. Strangers came in crowds from other States,"* whereupon "Confucius became the idol of the people, and flew in songs through their mouths."

In his fifty-sixth year, B. C. 496 he is said to have been Pi hue Minister of his State, and everything gave promise of a brilliant and successful future, but disillusionment was at hand. His wonderful achievements filled the rival prince of Ch'i $f with envy, not unmixed with fear that IAI would soon become a dangerous neighbour. Hence, having failed to abduct Duke Ting, a strategem was invented for debasing his mind and alluring him from the further development of his State. As already stated eighty attractive singing girls, and a hundred and twenty thoroughbred horses, were sent as a present from the Duke of Ch'i to Ting, and with their arrival the influence of Confucius instantly waned. At first they were lodged outside the city, while their acceptance or rejection was considered, but the head of the Chi clan, having had a private view, easily persuaded Duke Ting to accept them, to his ruin. The great sacrifice soon afterwards failed to impress the Duke, who curtailed its rites and neglected

* Legge's Intro, p. 75, from ^ pp >

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 45

to send the usual sacrificial flesh to his ministers. Feeling that he was no longer able to influence his prince for good, Confucius with resisting footsteps (Menc. V. II. i. 4.) tardily withdrew from a Court that had sold its integrity for a mess of pottage.

With many a backward look, and many a longing for recall, he slowly departed to thirteen years of weary exile. A later writer makes him put his melancholy into verse, of which the following is Dr. Legge's trans lation :—

" Through the valley howls the blast,

Drizzling rain falls thick and fast.

Homeward goes the youthful bride,

O'er the wilds, crowds by her side.

How is it, O azure Heaven,

From my home I thus am driven,

Through the land my way to trace,

With no certain dwelling-place?

Dark, dark the minds of men !

Worth in vain comes to their ken.

Hastens on my term of years ;

Old age desolate appears."*

It may have been on this occasion that the incident recorded in III. 24 occurred, when the Warden of the Pass sought to cheer the disciples by assuring them that Heaven was going to use their Master as a bell to arouse the age. Legge in his Introduction says this was so, but

* Legge's Intro, p. 77, from j£ ^ A. D. 1761, in his & ^ Q|

46 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

in his note to III. 24, he says " Conf. was retiring from \Yei, the prince of which could not employ him." The commentators are uncertain about the site of I Feng fH J^ but generally ascribe it to modern Lanyang hsien $t IiJ JK> in K'aifeng fu |$ £| /ft, Honan. If they are correct in their surmise then the incident here icferred to cannot have taken place, on this journey.

Arriving at the capital of Wei, the brother-in-law of his disciple Tzii Lu became his host.* Duke Ling fH^ a man whose moral character seems to have been even more dissipated than that of Duke Ting whom Confucius had just left, hearing of the arrival of his illustrious guest, assigned him an annual income of sixty thousand measures of grain.

After ten months stay he left for Ch'en |$ a State which was considerably to the Southward of Wei. His road lay through a place called K'uang g , where his resemblance to Yang Huo (the %% #g or ffi £f already named), at whose hands the people of K'uang had formerly suffered, placed him in serious jeopardy. Mis disciples were greatly alarmed, but their Master bore himself with true philosophic calm. IX. 5 ; XI. 22. Escaping from his assailants he returned to safety in Wei. In passing he called at a house where he had formerly lodged, and there found that his host had lately died. The grief of the family aroused his compassion, and he ordered Tzu Kung to unyoke one of the horses from his

* gj $•] ffi) according to Chulzu, j|fj fljP lh according to Menciiii V. I. 8 i--

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 47

carriage, and present it to the bereaved family as his contribution towards the funeral expenses. Replying to Tzu Kung's remonstrance he said : " When I went in, my presence brought a burst of grief from the chief mourner, and I dislike the thought of my tears not being followed by anything." A very manly sentiment ! I i Chi II. Pt I. 2. 1 6.

On arriving at his destination his host was a certain Chu Po Yii, whom Confucius came to hold in high esteem. XIV. 26 ; XV. 6. While in Wei, Nan-tzu, the beautiful and wanton wife of the Duke, had an interview with him, to the scandalisation of his disciple Tzu Lu. VI. 26. The Sage was also on one occasion humiliated by having to drive out in a carriage behind that of the Duke and his notorious wife. " Lust in front, virtue behind," derisively remarked the people. Confucius was ashamed of his position, and the remark in IX. 17 is attributed to this occasion.

He soon after left Wei for the State of Sung 5f; passing through the minor State of Ts'ao ^f on the way. Resting en route under a large tree, where he took the opportunity of giving his disciples a lesson in deportment, he was violently attacked, at the instigation of an officer named Huan T'ui ;f]f J^>, brother of the disciple Ssu-ma Niu, by a band of men who had orders to pull down the tree and kill him, VII. 22. It seems evident that something like a panic resulted and that all his company fled, standing not on the order of their going, for he was found later all alone at the east gate or pass of the State of Cheng gft by Tzu Kung, who was directed to him by a native of the

48 THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

place. The native's description, repeated by Tzu Kung to his Master, amused the latter greatly, — " a forehead like Yao, a neck like Kao Yao, shoulders like those of Tzu Ch'an, but from the waist downward not equal to Yii by three inches, and disconsolate as the dog of a broken clown family." Confucius laughed and said: "The ap pearance is out, but to say I was like the dog of a broken down family, — how like ! how like ! " Ssu-ma Ch'ien

& ffi ?L -T 1H- iu

From Cheng he proceeded to the State of Ch'en |5j{ N where he abode during three years, his host being the Warden of the Wall, a man named Chen £{^ Menc. V. I. 8. 3. On the State of Wu i^ modern Kiangsu, com mencing hostilities against Ch'en, Confucius once more set out, B. C. 492, bending his steps again towards Wei- Reaching the frontier he was seized at a place called P'u vlff by an officer in rebellion against the Duke of Wei. and only liberated on his taking On oath that he would not proceed there. This oath, as already mentioned, he broke, excusing himself on the ground that it was forced. Reaching Wei he was well received by Duke Ling, who however failed to make use of his talents. XIII. 10

About this time an officer of the State of Chin ff named Pi Hsi fjlfc }j/rf\ who was holding the town of Chung Mou t%* /£ against his Chief, sent an invitation to Confucius, and he seems to have been inclined to accept it, but Tzu Lu, the bold, who it must always be remembered was only nine years junior to his master, protested against his associating with a rebel, and, with apparent reluctance, Confucius gave up the idea. XVII. 7. To this period

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 49

XIV. 42 is also referred. Sometime later, at an interview with Duke Ling, the Duke questioned him concerning tactics in war. Declining to answer such enquiries, the very next day he shook the dust of Wei from his feet, and returned to Ch'en, XV. i. where he spent the year. B. C. 492.

About this time the way seemed to be opening for our voluntary exile to return to end his days in his own native State. The self-indulgence of Duke Ting of Lu had not made for length of days, and he had now been dead three years. Neither did the chieftain, Chi Huan gf /fjf^ who had tempted the Duke to his destruction, come to his deathbed with a mind conscious of its own rectitude. Remorseful of his conduct he charged his successor, Chi K'ang 3| Jjfc^ to recall Confucius. Had Chi K'ang acted as desired the Sage would now have returned home, but yielding to his advisers, Chi K'ang sent instead for one of the sage's disciples, by name Jan Ch'iu -ft} ^ ^ It is to this period that the expression of longing to return in V. 21 is attributed.

The year following, 491, along with a number of his disciples, he left Ch'en and went into Ts'ai ^> a small barony controlled by the dukedom of Ch'u *g^ modern Hupehand Hunan. The " Family Sayings "(<jfc $g V. 20), which book is the most ancient life of Confucius, says that certain officers of Given and Ts'ai, fearing that Confucius would proceed to Ch'u, increase its already dominant power, and endanger the safety of Ch'en and Ts'ai, succeeded in bringing the Sage and his companions in this journey to a condition of starvation. The disciples were

5<D THE ANALECTS I INTRODUCTION.

ill and depressed,* educing a querulous remark from Tzii Lu, XV. i, but the Master maintained a cheerful courage throughout, even playing on his lute and singing. It is probably this time of peril he recalls, in the lament of his old age that none of his companions of that period were now left to him. XI. 2.

After remaining in Ts'ai a year or so, he proceeded to another barony overshadowed by Ch'u named Sheijj^ whose ruler had unlawfully assumed the title of duke. In an interview with Tzu Lu the " duke " asked what sort of a man his Master was, to which question Tzu Lu either found no reply, or disdained an answer. VII. 18. When this same duke enquired of Confucius the art of govern ment he replied, that it was so to ameliorate the lot of one's own people that others would be attracted from afar. XIII. 1 6, see also 18.

The two episodes of the recluses recorded in XVIII, 6, 7, are said to have occurred while on his return to Ts'ai. In one of these Confucius gives utterance to the wise sentiment, that man is not meant to herd with birds and beasts but with mankind, and that it is only in times of decadence that a Reformer is needed and finds his work.

The ruler of the great State of Ch'u, whose name was Chao Bg^ and who styled himself King, 3E^ interested in the presence of so distinguished a Philosopher within his domain, sent an invitation to him to visit his Court, which was at the modern I Ch'eng hsien ^g[ £$ j£$ in Hsiang

* Chutzil observes that this must have occurred, between Wei and Ch'en, and not in (he domain of Ch'u.

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 5 I

Yang f u j| |y| Jfl% Hupeh. On the way an eccentric individual met his carriage crying that the virtue of the phoenix, meaning Confucius, had departed, and urging him to give up his futile idea of reforming the age. XVIII. 5. King Chao was apparently impressed with the wisdom of our Sage and proposed to appoint him to the extensive territory of Shu She Hr Mis but his Prime Minister reminded the King that formerly Wen and VVu from a dominion of a hundred li had risen to the sovereignty of the Empire, and suggested that with followers like Tzu Kung, Yen Hui and Tzu Lu, a man of such ability as Confucius might advance his own interests to the detriment of Ch'u. The king died before the end of the year, and Confucius returned to Wei.

Duke Ling, who four years previously had gone to his grave, had disowned and expelled his son K'uai Wai M'J Sit frQrn tne State in consequence of a plot in which he was concerned to kill his notorious mother, or step mother, Nantzii. K'uai Wai's son Ch'u ([£{ alias $f(), had been appointed successor by his grandfather and was now holding out against his own father, who was seeking to regain his inheritance, in which attempt he was ultimately successful. On the arrival of Confucius Tzu Lu, who apparently had preceded him, met his Master .with the remark that Duke Ch'u was waiting to em ploy him. Confucius, however, felt that he could no more support the son against his father, than he could approve the action of the father against his mother Nantzu, and in consequence declined the honor. Chutzii assigns XIII. 3, 7 to this period, and VIII. 14 also appears to be con-

5 2 THE ANAI.KCTS: INTRODUCTION.

nectcd with it. The death of the Sage's wife is placed in the year 485, while he was still in Wei, but no reliable information has been handed down.

At last, after his thirteen years of wandering, our exile was to be recalled, too late alas! for him to serve his State as he might have done earlier. Me was now sixty- eight years of age, an old man who had lived too long in the shade to feel cheerful under the wintry sunshine of a Court that loved him little. Duke Ting had been succeeded by Duke Ai J|, who was now in the eleventh year of his rule. Chi K'ang, the chief noble had now had the disciple Jan Ch'iu ft. $. in his employ for eight years, and Jan Ch'iu had recently achieved a notable success in a military engagement between Lu and Ch'i $K Chi K'ang, struck with his skill, asked whether it were a natural gift, or whether he had studied under any one. So eloquent became Jan Ch'iu in praise of his Master that Chi K'ang decided to recall him. "If you do so," said the disciple, " see that you do not let mean men come between you and him."

Messengers were sent with appropriate presents to the old philosopher, and arriving opportunely they found him preparing to leave Wei, through disgust at being consulted by one of its ministers, K'ung Wen Tzu, V. 14, as to " how he should conduct a feud with .another officer." Gladly was the invitation accepted, and B. C. 484 delightedly did he turn his footsteps homewards, but as Chutzu puts it, " to the end Lu failed to make use of him, nor did he any longer seek to enter office." That Chi K'ang frequently consulted him is evident from II.

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 53

20, VI. 6, XL 6, XII. 17, 18, 19, and XIV. 20; and that Duke Ai did likewise is witnessed by II. 19 and VI. 2.

The next four or five years of his life he devoted to editing and writing an Introduction to the Book of History ^ |^ ; to arranging the Book of Rites and Ceremonies, $5t "!£ > the Chinese Leviticus ; to classifying the Odes n£ M ; and to rectifying the Music both in Court and Temple. It is probable, too, that he at the same time supplied his disciple Tseng Tzii Q LJr with the material for the Classic of Filial Piety, i£ Jg^ He also applied himself diligently to the study of the Yi Ching j| $£,» so diligently indeed that he is said to have three times worn out the leather thongs of his copy. Such a hold did this cabalistic book obtain over him that he declared, if his life could only be prolonged, he would devote himself entirely to the study thereof VII. 16. That he would have made it any clearer, or of greater utility to his fellow men, is hardly worth discussing.

Soon after his return from Wei, Jan Ch'iu, who had been the means of his recall, caused him much vexation of spirit by assisting Chi K'ang to add a further impost upon the already burdened people. It was then that Confucius bade his disciples beat the drum and openly accuse him. XL 1.6. A number of other sayings are referable to this period : III. i, 6, 21, and possibly 2, 10, 1 1, 23 ; X. 1 1 ; XL 2 ; XIV. 26 ; XVI. I.

In the year after his return to Lu, i.e. in 483, his son Li died, leaving a son named Chi \fc^ Chi's son Tzu Ssu ^ /fi became a pupil of the philosopher Tseng Tzu, and it was from a pupil of Tzu Ssu that Mencius obtained

54 THE ANALECTS I INTRODUCTION.

his education. Three of these are responsible, Tseng for the Great Learning -J$ <^ Tzu Ssii for the Doctrine of the Mean rf» Jjfj\ and Mencius for the contents of the Classic bearing his name, which three treatises along with the Analects form the " Four Books."

In the year following the death of Li, — though there is a conflict of evidence as to the date,* — the favourite disciple of Confucius Yen Hui fg [fij^ is said to have deid, and his death, if we m.iy judge from the records, was a more grievous loss to the Sage than that of his own son, for upon Yen Hui his mantle was to have fallen. Many are the references he made to him, and poignant was the sorrow he evinced at his death. VI. 5, 9, IX. 19, 20. XI. ;-io.

Two years later he was called upon to suffer the loss of another disciple, Tzu Lu, who reminds us somewhat of Peter the impetuous, as Yen Hui does of John the beloved. But a few years younger than his Master he was permitted to take liberties with him, as also to have the privilege of receiving many a rebuff. Confucius had early predicted that TzCi Lu would die a violent death, XI. 12, and such was verified in 480 when this courageous man chose death rather than forsake in peril his Chief, K'ung K'uei ?L 11, the Minister of Duke Ch'u ffi of Wei.

In the previous year, 481, an unknown animal with only one horn was caught by " hunters in the west," who in

* Legge in his note to XI. 7. 'says: Ilwuy according to the 'Family Sayings' and the ' Historical Records ' must have died several years before Confucius 'Son Le. Either the dates in them arc false, orthisch:i" spurious.

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 55

catching it broke its left foreleg. The animal was brought to Chi K'ang, who unable to classify it, and deeming it of bad omen had it thrown outside the city, but sent word to Confucius to see if he could recognise it. Confucius as previously noted, immediately perceived that the strange animal was a Lin (jj$^ indeed as some would have us believe the self-same Lin that had appeared to his mother, and with the identical piece of embroidered ribbon still adhering to its horn that she had attached there over seventy years before ! Turning over his sleeve to wipe away the tears that fell copiously on to his coat, he cried " For what have you come ? For what have you come ? " When asked by Tzu Kung later why he wept he replied, " The Lin should only appear at the advent of an illustrious sovereign. I was distressed to see it at the wrong time and so injured/' ^ fg 16.

It is with a reference to this event that he brings to a conclusion his work on the Spring and Autumn Annals, his last words there being, " In the four and tenth year (of Duke Ai), in Spring, hunters in the west caught a unicorn." Those Annals are ascribed to this year, and at least it is evident that he closed them then. Mencius records that Confucius based his claim to fame or condemnation on these records, and speaks in the highest terms of their moral and political influence. Menc. III. Pt II, ix, 8, i r.

Later in the year Duke Chien ^ of Ch'i was murdered by one of his ministers, Ch'en Heng |S$J '[§ by name, a crime which shocked the monarchical ideas of the Sage. After ceremonially bathing himself he formally visited Duke Ai, to urge him to sound the tocsin and avenge the

56 THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

deceased ruler. Referred by the Duke to his ministers, who it is suggested were in sympathy with Ch'en Heng, he met with no encouragement, and retired feeling that, though he had failed, he had done what duty demanded of him. XIV. 22.

Two years later, in B. C. 4/9, in the fourth month and on its eleventh day, when he was seventy-three years of age the call came for him to join his fathers. " Early one morning, we are told, he got up, and with his hands behind his back, dragging his staff, he moved about the door, crooning over, —

' The «reat mountain must crumble ;

o

The strong beam must break ;

And the wise man wither away like a plant ' After a little, he entered the house and sat down opposite the door. Tszekung had heard his words, and said to himself, ' If the great mountain crumble, to what shall I look up? If the strong beam break, and the wise man wither away, on whom shall I lean ? The Master, I fear, is going to be ill.' With this he hastened into the house. Confucius said to him, ' Ts'ze, wfrit makes you so late? According to the statutes of Hea, the corpse was dressed and coffined at the top of the eastern steps, treating the dead as if he were still the host. Under the Yin, the ceremony was performed between the two pillars, as if the dead were both host and ^uest. The rule of Chow is to perform it at the top of the western steps, treating the dead as if he were a guest. I am a man of Yin, and last night I dreamt that I was sitting with offerings before me between the two pillars. No intelligent monarch arises ; there is not

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 57

one in the empire that will make me his master. My time has come to die.' So it was. He went to his couch, and after seven days expired."*

Thus passed away China's greatest moral philosopher. Living a life of honour in his own age, he transmitted to future generations a practical philosophy they could ap preciate and in a measure follow. Conservative in mind, character and conduct he saw no visions and dreamt no dreams. The life that now is was his principal text, im mortality he left undiscussed. The great questions of God and the soul, that have stirred the noblest thinkers, Greek, Jew and Christian evoked no enthusiasm in him ; the higher morals which found vague expression in Laotzii, and majestic pourtrayal in Jesus Christ were foreign to his rigid mind, which lacking the entrancing ravishment of the Infinite demanded rules fixed and inelastic.

In avoiding the marvellous, with which Nature and Eternity abounds, he escaped the perils of gross supersti tion, and left behind him a mould for this nation to run itself into, which involved as a necessary consequence an arrested development. Man requires the bounds of the Infinite and Eternal for his complete evolution, and had Confucius bent his mind to this soul filling principle he might have prevented millions of his countrymen of suc ceeding generations, whom his narrow mould refused to contain, from overflowing into the excessive and debasing superstitions of later Taoism and Buddhism.

To the light he found he was faithful, for the light he

* Leg^e's Antro. p. 87-8.

^8 TIU-: ,\N.\T.r.::T.s : INTRODUCTION.

failed to see he is to be pitied not blamed, but to say that his " Viituc matches that of Heaven and Earth " is adula tion to which only the purblind could give utterance. For his literary gifts to his nation, prosaic though they are, we may be grateful. For a life well lived we may hold him in high honour. For the impress of man's duty to man on the mind of his race we gladly praise him, and that he has not taken from them man's inherent belief in things eternal may give us " a lively hope " for the future of the black haired race.

Confucius was buried at his birth place in modern Shantung, in Yen-chou fu, ^ >)]] /fl\ Ch'ii-fou hsien \[\\ fji J8JU where his tomb remains to this day. His disciples bemoaned his loss, wearing mourning and many of them livin^ in huts by his grave side for three years, Tzii Kung even guarding it for the long period of six years. Duke Ai, grieved by his death, exclaimed, " Heaven has not left to me the aged man. There is none now to assist me on the throne. Woe is me! Alas! O venerable Ni ! " — sentiments hardly consistent, as Tzii Kung complained, with the Duke's neglect of him during life. Ai however builta temple to his memory and ordered sacrifices four times a year.

From that day to this, save for the period of the great opponent of the Confucian School, Ch'in Shih Huang, Confucius has been honoured and worshipped. The Founder of the I Ian dynasty, #. C. 195, offered an ox at his tomb, and in modern times the great Fmpjror K'ang Hsi of the present dynasty knelt thrice and bowed his forehead nine times in the dust at his shrine. At first the worship was confined to I.u, but in A D. 57 it was extended

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 59

to the principal colleges of the Empire, where he was wor shipped along with his ideal the great Duke Wen of Chou. " In A. D. 609 separate temples were assigned to then), and in 628 our Sage displaced the older worthy altogether."

The temples to Confucius usually consist of two long cloisters containing the tablets of his disciples, leading to a lofty hall at the end devoted to the Sage and his more famous followers. Behind this is another hall containing the tablets of his ancestors. Offerings of fruit and vege tables are supposed to be made at the new, and incense at the full moon. Two great sacrifices are presented every year, in Spring and Autumn, at which all the literati are theoretically expected to be present, In some places the ancient musical instruments are brought out and performed upon, the wand bearers making postures representing each character of the famous hymn to the Sage, of which a version is appended below. As almost every phrase of this hymn is an abbreviated quotation from some ancient writer, often containing allusions of an elusive nature, it has been no easy task it to translate it line by line into English metre, so for the sake of those who wish to read it in the original it is also given in character.

In the Imperial Confucian Temple the Emperor himself kotows six times before the Sage's shrine, whereupon, the spirit being now present, the following invocation is read by the appointed officer : — " On this ... month of this ... year, I, A. B., the Emperor, offer a sacrifice to the philoso pher K'ung, the ancient Teacher, the perfect Sage, and say, — O Teacher, in virtue equal to Heaven and Earth, whose doctrines embrace the past time and the present,

60 THE ANUF.CTS: INTKOnrCTION.

thou didst digest and transmit the six Classics, and didst hand down lessons for all generations. Now in this second month of spring (or autumn), in reverent observance of the old statutes, with victims, silks, spirits and fruits, I care fully offer sacrifice to thee. With thec are associated the philosopher Yen, continuator of thce ; the philosopher Tsang, exhibitor of thy fundamental principles ; the phi losopher Tszesze, transmitter of thee ; and the philosopher Mang, second to thee. Alay'st thou enjoy the offerings." This as Dr. Legge says, is worship and not mere homage. " He was unreasonably neglected when alive. He is now unreasonably venerated when dead." Kven as this is being typed off for the printer the following decree which would have outraged the feelings of the Sage him self, has been issued by the Empress Dowager, in response to the petition of a reactionary officer : — " In view of the supreme excellence of the great Sage Confucius, who-'.- virtues equal Heaven and Earth, and make him worth}' oi the adoration of a myriad ages, it is the desire of Her Imperial Majesty, the Empress Dowager Tzu I Isi etc., that the great Sage shall in future be accorded the same sacrificial ceremonies of worship as are accorded to Heaven and Karth when sacrifice is paid by the Kmpe-ror. Let the Vamen concerned take note." It is refreshing to find tint this last attack of benighted national vanity ha^ not been allowed to pass unchallenged, for a vigorous piotest has been offered by a well-known Censor, who declares that " to raise Confucius to be the equal of Heaven and Karth is rank blasphemy, and is handing over the great Sage to contumely, since Confucius in his writings always denied

II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 6l

himself to be anything great, and constantly refused the ado ration his disciples were only too desirous of giving him."4 In conclusion, Confucius, despite his best endeavours, failed to fill the office of a great Religious Leader, for he failed to guide his people out of a polytheism doomed to end in limitless superstition, up to the One True Infinite God, the Creator, the Adorner, the Father. The day is already dawning when the soul of this race will demand its rightful share in the Nobler Truth which the mind of Confucius but dimly apprehended, and which will relegate him to the honourable position no Christian will gainsay, of chief Classical Master and great Moral Philosopher of this potentially noble nation.

HYMN TO CONFUCIUS.

1. Welcoming the Spirit.

Great is K'ungtzti, philosopher, The primal Seer, the primal Sage ! With Heaven and Earth he equal ranks, Immortal Guide for every age. iLL_

Once hailed by wreathed unicorn, f Respond we now with harps and bells ; Celestial light he has revealed, Above, below, order prevails.

2. The first Offering.

We cherish still his virtue b light With quivering chime and sonant bell,

* N. C. Daily News Jan. 21,07.

I The fabulous creature to whose horn Confucius' mother bo md the ribbon.

62 THE ANALKCTS: INTRODUCTION.

Since birth of man none equals him, Who caused perfection to excel. The patens of a thous.in 1 years We spread for his great sacrifice, With purest wine the cups are filled, Its fragrance now to him doth rise.

o

3, 1 he second Offering.

Our rites their flawless forms sin!! take. We spread our second offering ; United sound our drums and bells While flagons now sincere we bring. In reverence and harmony We, raised by his accomplishments, Perfect by rites, by music pure, With mutual gaze learn excellence.

A. The last offering.

Of old and in the former times, Among the ancients there arose One who fur-capped did sacrifice, — Thinking of him our bosom glows. I leaven only can enlighten men, Our Saint Its equal let us tell ; The natural order he proclaimed, Till now he is the " rousing bell."

?. The offerings are removed.

Our pristine Master has declared

That blessing from such offerings stream.

In the temples of our four great sens

Of aught but reverence who would dream ?

Our rites are o'er, our victims go;

II. THE IJhE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 63

Careful and circumspect they're borne. Delight we in the beauteous growth, Lo ! the bare plain a plant doth adorn. 6. Escorting away the Spirit.

Majestic towers his native Hill,

Wide roll their floods his native streams,*

Far fades their vista from the sight,

Boundless with good their bosom teems.

Again our sacrifice is o'er,

Its splendour passes from our gaze ;

'Tis he who has transformed our race,

And nurtures still our Colleges.

Jftffi tt 1819 S«

mm

»^- B5^j MB

%m rm

mm

ffii®

The -M II hi" in Shantung. The Kivers ^ and ffj which .irise from if Tne hill lypifies Confucius, and tlie rivers his doclrine.

III.— The Analects.

Their History and Authenticity.

The Confucian Classics arc general lyp spoken of as the Four Books and Five Canons. [iy ^ Ji g, The Four Books, as already stated, are the Fun Yii |£f jjy^ or Discourses, commonly called the Analects ; the T,i I Isu'eh, ^ ^ or Great Learning; the Chung Yung, r|i tfj ^ or Doctrine of the Mean ; and the Book of Mcncius, -^ -f ^ The Five Canons are the Yi Ching jj |«{A or Book of Changes; the Shu Ching ft $g^ or Book of History; the Ssii Ching ,|jf $$.^ or Book of Poetry, otherwise the Odes; the Li Chi jjg jj^ or Record of Rites; and the Ch'un Ch'iu ^ ffl^ or Spring and Autumn Annals, a history of the State of Lu.

Of the Four Books the Analects, in their present form, are probably the work of disciples of the Sage's disciples. The Gieat Learning, so far as its text is concerned, is acci edited to the stylus of Confucius, and its commentary to that of his ablest surviving disciple Tseng T/u fj* -"/-„ It forms chapter 42 of the Record of Rites, but is also treated as a separate work. The Doctrine of the Mean, which we might for short call the Golden Mean, is attri buted to Tsu Ssii -f* $,„ i. e. JL fg^ a grandson of the Sage. Like the Great Learning it forms pait of the Record of Rites, cap. 43, but is also treated as a separate- work. The Book of Mencius is accredited to Mencius himself, or at least to one ol his most intimate disciples. These then form the Four Buok,s. In the seventh, century

III. THE ANALECTS. t>5

A. D; the Four Books and Five Canons were classified as Thirteen, viz., Yi JJ,, Ssu Jjf^ Shu flj\ Three Ch'un Ch'ius #$:;£», Three Lis, Rig fg, ffl jjgK $ jjgK Analects jj& fg^ A lexicon called the Krh Ya $} ?ft* the Hsiao Ching, or Canon of Filial Piety ^ $?g % and Mencius rt£ -f- ; the Analects, Great Learning, Mean, Filial Piety and Mencius being described as the " Smaller Canon."

It must always be borne in mind that when the Classics were indited, writing was a much more laborious process than it is to-day. The period of knotted cords (quipos) had long passed away, but still neither pen, ink, nor paper had been invented, and all records had to be engraved on bamboo tablets with a sharp style, — a most tedious process, — or laboriously painted with a kind of varnish.* The difficulty involved in such a. method may easily account for the terseness of China's literary style. More over these bamboo tablets were cumbersome, and therefore difficult to transport, to preserve, or to conceal. Hence when Ch'in Shih Huang arose, and, yielding to the advice of a rascally minister, in B. C. 213 ordered that all books be destroyed, save those on medicine, divination and husbandry, (thus excepting the Yi Ching,) subsequently also burying alive 460 scholars for violating his commands, few of the monuments of antiquity were preserved intact. Nevertheless, as only three years elapsed from the promulgation of that decree to the death of its promulgator, and only eleven to the foundation of

* Since the above went to press the following statement by Prof. E. II. Parker has come to hand, "Chinese records were at first written with a bamboo style on slips of bamboo prepared with varnish."

66 THE ANALKCTS I INrRODUCTION.

the Han dynasty, though the injury done to literature, and especially to historical literature was great, a considerable amount was still recoverable.

Whatever monuments we possess of ancient China we owe to Confucius and his followers, and though the records from which he compiled his books were all destroyed, and though what he left behind suffered loss, enough was recovered to gratify if not to satisfy the student of antiquity. What books we now have were recovered, after a lapse of years, in some cases from memory, but more generally fiom places where the bamboo tablets had been hidden, these having in the meantime suffered more or less injury from the circumstances of their concealment.

Immediately before the dawn of the Christian era, in the famous catalogue of Liu ILsin ;gij ffc^ who in obedi ence to Imperial orders completed the work of his father Liu Hsiang |?lj [jtj and others, in cataloguing all known literary monuments, we iind that an immense mass of literary matter hid been collected. "There were 294 collections of the Yih-king, from 13 diffjrent individuals or editors 1412 collections of the Shoo-king, from 9 individu als ; 416 volumes of the She-king, from 6 different indi viduals ; of the books of Rites, 555 collections, from 13 different individuals ; of the Books on Music, 165 collec tions, from 6 different editors ; 948 collections of History, under the heading of the Ch'un Ts'ew, from 23 different individuals ; 229 collections of the Lun Yu, including the Analects and kindred fragments, from 12 different indi viduals ; of the Ileaou-king, embracing also the Urh Ya, anel some other portions of the ancient literature, 59 collec-

III. THE ANALECTS. 6/

tions, from II different individuals; and finally of the Lesser Learning, being works on the form of the charac ters, 45 collections, from 1 1 different individuals. The Works of Mencius were included in the second division, among the writings of what were deemed orthodox scholars, of which there were 836 collections, from 53 different individuals." Legge's Analects, Intro, p. 4.

Considering that through his disciple Tseng Tzii and his grandson Tzu Ssii we have almost direct connection between Confucius and Mencius, we are brought to within about half a century of the destruction of the books, and seeing their recovery was set about without delay, and that the Han dynasty placed such value on them as is made evident by this important catalogue, there seems little doubt that the remains we possess to-day are reasonably authentic and reliable.

As to the Analects in particular, when the Han dynasty first began to recover the ancient books, two copies of the Analects competed for acceptance, one from Lu $f ^ the iritive State of Confucius, and another from the neighbour ing State of Ch'i ^ The Lu copy contained twenty books, while that of Ch'i contained twenty two, and had moreover, as noted in Chu's Introduction, more chapters and phrases than its rival.

A third copy, however, was discovered about the year 1 50. B. C. which is known as the ancient copy •£ §&,» and which confirmed the Lu text already recovered. This " ancient copy " was discovered in the wall of the house inhabited by the Confucian family, the one in which Confucius himself had resided. This house abutted upon

68 THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

the old ducal palace, and the newly appointed King of Lu, desiring to enlarge his premises, ordered its demolition. In its wall were discovered copies of the Shu, the Ch'tm Ch'iu, the Hsiao Ching, and the Lun Yii. All thes- books were indited in the ancient frc.rn of writing known a.- the tadpole ^ $£|^ script, a form of writing already displaced by that of I Ian, the square letters which with modifications have continued to the present day. Hence this older script, even to the ordinary reader of those times, was already undecipherable.

The King, who was interested in the discovery, immedi ately ordered the head of the K'ung family, K'ung An Kuo JL ~j< HSU to decipher them. This he did, and more over wrote a treatise thereon, part of which is still extant. The version of the Lun Yu then found set finally at rest all controversy between the two copies, and became the textus receptus. The principal difference between the Lu text and that recovered from the Confucian wall was, that the closing chapter of the Lu formed two in the wall copy which thus had 21 chapters in all. In the first century 15. C. the rival copies were again carefully compared by Prince Chang of Anch'ang ^ / \ ('/;- i]|| 3?, >» and again in the second century A. D. by Cheng Hsiian Jj|J ~£ the famous commentator named in Section IV. The difference between the hitter's version and the accepted version of Chutzu are few and unimportant, and will be found at the end of this chapter.

The question now arises how did the Lun Yu originate, — who wrote it ? Certainly its author was not Confucius himself, as a mere surface glance m.ikv..-; plain ; nor is th :re

II F. THE ANALECTS. 69

any indication that it was written in his lifetime, indeed the internal evidence easily confutes any such theory. The " History of Literature of the Western Han dynasty " says that "the Analects were compiled by the disciples of Con fucius, coming together after his death, and digesting the memorials of his discourses and conversations which they had severally preserved." That during the years of mourning for their Master they may have been led to note down and compare their respective recollections of his sayings is reasonable, but even this theory does not account for the book in its present form, for surely at such a period some last words would have been preserved, or some reference made to his death and burial, which events are utterly ignored in the Analects. The internal evidence indeed seems to inhibit the idea that the book was compiled, as we now have it, immediately after the Master's death ; for instance, Chapter XIX refers chiefly to the conduct of his disciples, in some cases when they themselves were professors with schools of their own. Not that such evidence need be final, for the earlier scholars of the Sage were themselves in the meridian of life when he reached old age.

The chief argument in favour of a delayed authorship is that, with one exception XII. 9, where respect for the personage addressed prohibits the use, the two disciples Tseng Tzu ^ ^ and Yu Tzii /ft -J- are throughout recorded with the suffix Tzu, philosopher, a term the dis ciples would hardly apply to each other, unless equally applied to more than these two. It is chiefly in consequence of this that the Analects are generally ascribed not to the

7O Till-: ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

disciples of the Sage, but to the disciples of Tseng and Yu. To the disciples of these men Ch'eng Tzii JfQ Lf- ^ Chutzu's Master, whom Chutzii approvingly quotes, ascribes the book, or at least its final compilation. " The Book of the Conversations," says he, " was completed by the disciples of Yu Tzii and Tseng Tzii, hence these are the only two styled 'philosophers' in its pages."* In this statement however there is an apparent error, for Jan-tzii is twice so styled ; VI. 3 and XIII. 14 ; but not as uttering any maxim.

Even Ch'eng-tzii's wise inference is not entirely satis factory, for, without some recorded foundation for their work, these disciples of disciples could never have pro duced the book with which we are dealing. The theory the present writer would propound, a theory he considers sufficiently attested by the internal as well as the historical evidence, is that the disciples of Tseng Tzii and Yu Tzfi merely edited records already existing in the hands of their masters, the sayings attributed to those masters being their own addition. In other words that there was a compilation already in existence, possibly unarranged and formless, which they edited and brought into its present order. The variety of matter contained in the book, and the explicitness of its detail, indicate that the editors of our present version had material, and probably written material, for their self-imposed task.

As to the date of such editorship it seems likely that it took place after the death of Tseng Tzii, if as the text

* -3/s ~iIL ->• ;|f- r.\)- fcA. /,- :f. *& qp. -> fill « J/f ||-

\i\i\i mi <<_, i f /DC //; 1 J J u J x_. I J /vow* Jv

III. THE ANALECTS. /I

suggests, the sickness recorded in VIII. 3 and 4, was fatal, but we have no evidence as to the date of his demise. Dr. Legge thinks " we shall not be far wrong if we determine its date about the end of the fourth, or begining of the fifth century before Christ," a date that seems unnecessarily late. For if, as Dr. Legge thinks, the book " was compiled by the disciples of the disciples of the Sage, "- and, if such disciples were indeed the followers of Tseng Tzu and Yu Tzu, a conclusion which Dr. Legge somewhat summarily declares " does not stand investigation," then such disciples, whoever they were, must have been far advanced in years. It seems more reasonable to place the compilation of the Analects nearer the middle than the beginning of the fifth century, B. C.

Whoever the editors were their attempts at arrangement shew little knowledge either of historical or philosophic order, for while the first eight or ten chapters seem, in a haphazard sort of way, to be classified subjectively, the rest are thrown together without any consideration either of subject or period. This and the repetition of clauses has led some writers to ascribe various books to various disciples or their followers, but it seems more accordant with reason to believe that the material generally is from different hands, and that the actual editors, possessing neither historic sense nor philosophic insight, collected their material into its present shape to the best of their meagre ability. They at any rate regarded all the material in their possession as too precious to allow of any excision, as witness the numerous repetitions that occur.

72 TIIT-: ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

That many of the sayings were well known in the days of Mencius is evidenced by his book, but he never refers to the Lun Yii as an existing work. Also that many sayings of Confucius were known, but not included in the Lun Yii, in ly also be seen from the Doctrine of the Mean and from Mencius, from which one may at least surmise that the latter books were not in the hands of our editors when the Lun Yii was compiled. Cf Mencius II Ft I. ii. 1 8 with Analects XI. 2 ; and 19 with Analects VI I. 2 and 33 ; ivl. II. I. vii. 2 with A. IV. i ; M. II. II. XIII. i with A. XI Y. 37 ; M. III. i. ii. 2 with A. II. 5 ; and iv. i i with A. VIII. 1 8, 19 ; M. III. II. vii. 3 with A. xvii. i ; M. IV. I, xiv. i with A. XI. 16; and XV. 2, with A. II. 10 ; M. IV. II. xxix. 2 with A. YI. 9 ; M. V. II. vii. 9 with A. X. 13 ; M. YII. II. xxxvii. i. 2. 8 with A. V. 21, XIII. 21 and XVII. 13. Cf also the Great Learning, Commentary, cap. IV with A. XII. 13, and X. 15 with A. IV. 3. Also the Mean, cap. iii with A. VI. 27 ; and cap. xxviii. 5 with A. III. 2.].

In conclusion, then, we may say that the Lun Yii con tains many valuable sayings of Confucius, as also of his disciples, that they were probably left on record by some of his immediate disciples, and edited in their present form by disciples of Tseng Tzii and Yu T/ii near the middle ol the fifth century B. C., that it contains the most authentic account of the Sage's character that is in existence, and that it throws invaluable light on his own life and teaching, on the character of his disciples, and on the generation in which lie lived, which he also faithfully sought to renovate.

III. THE ANALECTS. 73

VARIOUS READINGS NOTED BY CH'ENG HSUAN, g|> &^

II. i. SI for £fc ; 8, || for flf ; 19 Jff for f§ ; ^3, Omit

4SL in + ft nj £U -til* HI- 7- a ful1 st°P after tiL 5 2I ± for |t> IV. 10, RK for g, and J£ for ^ V. 21, full stop after /J> :f> VI. 7, omit fllj g.^ VII. 4, -^ for $6 ; 34. omit ^ IX. 9, ^ for f£, XI. 25, ^ for «, and ffij for §i, XIII. 3, "f tt for 3: 18, ^ for J? , XIV. 31, W for #; 34, omit fi after M, XV. I, *g for S^ XVI, I, §f for the last ^5, XVII. I, ® for l»; 24, ^ for m. XVIII. 4, <% for |f ; 8, ft for

74

IV.— Works on the Analects.

There have been three great schools of commentators on the Classics. The first was that of the Han Jj£ dynasty, the second that of the Sung 5^^ and the third that of the present Ch'ing jg dynasty. The earliest commentator of all was K'ung An Kuo '^ ']£ fg > B. C. 140-150, the head of the Confucian family when certain of the Classics were recovered from the wall of the K'ung house. Though his work on the Analects was lost, traces of it arc found in the works of the commentators who followed him. The more noted of An Kuo's successors was Pao Hsien. Q & A. D. 25, Ma Yung J.IJ gJU A. D. 130. and his contemporary Cheng Hsiian $J|J ^ (-£• l\£ J&}^ But the principal work of this, the Han dynasty, in the time of the " Three Kingdoms," was that of the five scholars and ministers of the Kingdom of Wei $g „ the chief of whom was Ho Yen fnj § ^ by whose name the publication is generally known. This work, the Lun Yii Chi Chieh, f& Jft 4fc ffi, embodied the labours of all predecessors, and is in existence and regular use to the present day. This then is the highly valuable bequest made by the Han school to posterity.

In the dynasties that followed other commentators arose, the result of whose efforts was embodied in the works of Huang K'an .£?. f/jj^ published in the sixth century, under the title of Lun Yii Su ,1^ ff,7 Kc\ A\\ preceding works however were overshadowed by the scholarship of the

IV. WORKS ON THE ANALECTS. 75

Sung dynasty. This appeared first in the Imperial edition, published soon after A. D. 1000, edited by Hsing P'ing ffl> Sr> tnat Part °f Jt relating to the Analects being known as the Lun Yii Cheng I f& in IE ®U But very soon afterwards the prince of Chinese commentators arose in the person of Chu Hsi ^ ;^> whose voluminous writings and commentaries, composed during the twelfth century, are the crown of China's scholarship. His inter pretation of the Analects, despite the many attacks that have since been made thereon, has been accepted as orthodoxy from his day to our own. Mis three works on the Analects are the Lun Yii Chi I, f& gg ^ fjj^ the Lun Yii Chi Chu, fa f& ^ |£, and the Lun Yii Huo Wen fa m & W,

As an instance, however, of the zeal with which the various interpretations of Chutzii have been debated the following amusing incident is recorded. Li Cho Wu dfr j^i -g-^ an erratic scholar of the sixteenth century, who afterwards turned Buddhist, is said to have been so annoyed with Chu-tzii's views, that he had a wooden image made of the great commentator, with hand outstretched palm upwards. This he placed in his study and many times a day did he relieve his ire, when angered by Chu's inter pretations, by beating with a ruler the h md of the un conscious image, demanding how he, Chu, had dared to put such mistaken ideas before the world !

The third school of interpreters belongs to the present dynasty, and reached its climax in the works of Mao Ch'i Ling "Eg tsy i(i\ whose nomine de plume was Hsi Ho ]Jlj i^J^ His works, the Hsi Ho Ch'iian Chi J|} ^nj ^ ffc\

76 THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

were published in the seventeenth century in So volumes, half of which treat on the Glassies, and haif on other subjects. His views on the Classics often traverse those of Chutzu, to wh )in he is vigorously antagonistic.

Thus then we have four great exponents for the three principal periods, Ho Yen for the Han, Cheng ! Isiian and Chu Hsi for the Sung, and Mao Hsi Ho for the present dynasty.

The following are the titles of the principal Chinese commentaries now in use : —

I. -p 2:1 $? fit ifcfc ' containing the expositions of Ho Yen and Client! I Isiian. This is "the cfreat repertory of

t> ?-> L *

ancient lore upon the Classics."

2- §& P£ M IE> The expositions of Chutzu, published in the twelfth century. It is the standard of orthodox interpretation.

3- ^ ffi M ft & & S> The Complete Works of Mao Hsi Ho, referred to in the preceding sections.

4- 13 fl£ i!i §t & ~ilffi> commonly known as the & ji'Jfj^ This, which was published in 1730 by $% $[^ gives Chutzu's Commentary, contains much useful information, is in general vogue, and considered superior to the next which resembles it. It is the volume most used in the present translation.

5- $T *» 13 :;!J M ,1M i;fl ^ tiff it. known in brief as the ffjjj ff ^ It was published in 17/0 by $$ \%^ and is in regular use.

6. TO VV * T- * 5£ M ^> known for short as the 1'ifi ^> anc^ 'n srcllcra^ usc iimtMigst students. As the title shews it gives the commentary of Chutzu and compares

IV. WORKS ON THE ANALECTS. 77

it with the work of other commentators. It was published in 1745 by. £ -$t t?f,

7- Py ^ Ufe tR $U usually known as the g£ fi^ Tt was published in 1852 by ^ y$( a Cantonese, surveys the whole field of previous interpretation, especially that of the present dynasty, and like the two last is much thought of and widely read.

8. M fpf $g ft?^ l829- A work in M00 sections, containing inter alia most of Mao Hsi Ho's publications on the Classics.

9- E9 * S SE 16 IL 1793, by ^ g |i "The research in all matters of Geography, History, Biography, Natural History is immense."

10. \\ [ff$ J?3 If SI J$¥^ 1677, prepared by members of the Hanlin College for daily teaching.

U. H * ffi 1» SB:. 1795, by flf ^ ?|% contains an introduction to each of the Four Books, and a discussion of difficult passages.

12. ra » is is n s, 1718, by 45 ffi n,

13- ra » 31 ffi » X, reign of Chien Lung, & |t,

by 5i m m^ 14. it • n * ai'a •» us i» *> 1905. An

illustrated version of the Four Books in Mandarin, for use in Primary Schools. An interesting work, follows the accepted interpretation. If revised would be useful to the Kuropean Student.

!5- $015 ^ [M! ^7, 1761. An illustrated examination of the tenth book of the Analects by ft ^C> containing also his life of Confucius.

1 6. m ® p «s ; m m w m m ; m « etc. x

78 THE ANALKCTS I INTRODUCTION.

Ift ; M 'ft etc. = &K 1698 and later, by |>$| #- fl^ arc treatises on the topography of the Four Books.

17- '4L ~f' ^ inK The "Family Sayings" of Con fucius, or more correctly, the sayings of the School of Confucius. '1 he original copy is s.tid to have been ton nil in tiie wall of Confucius' house, along with other works, K C. 150 or thereabouts, a statement manifestly untrue.

18- 16 I'frJ )flu jSj: ES ^\ 1828, gives particulars of all the individuals sacrificed to in the Confucian Temple, etc.

19- %. Jftj 1" ^ M!> l868- TJlc Hymn, music and posturings etc. used at the Spring and Autumn sacrifices.

20- it Kfio by frj l\!j j^^ Gives an account of Con fucius and his disciples in chapters 47, 67, and 121.

TRANSLATIONS OF THK ANALKCTS.

Confucius Sinarum Philosophus ; by Intorcctti and others

1687.

The Works of Confucius ; Vol I ; by j. M irshman. 1809. The 1'our Books, by David Collie, L.M.S. 1828. The CIIINKSK CLASSICS,!)}- Dr. Legge, L.M.S. iSoi. CURSUS LITTKRATURAIC SIXICAK. by Pere

Angelo Zottoii. S. J. 1879. Les Quatres Livres, in French and Latin, by Pere S.

Couvreur. S. J. 1895. The Discourses and Sayings oi Confucius, by Ku Hung

Ming, ALA. 1898.

79 V. — Disciples Mentioned in the Analects.

Alphabetically arranged.

1. CH'fiN K'ANG, style Tzu K'ang, or TZLI Ch'in.

PJK /c> *? •? 7^ °r ^ $^ A native of Ch'^n ER^

It is recorded that when his brother died, his brother's wife and steward proposed to immolate some living persons to serve him in the shades. On Tzu K'ang suggesting that none were better fitted for that office than the wife and steward themselves nothing more was heard of the matter. He is referred to in I. 10 ; XVI. 13 ; XIX. 25.

2. CH'I-TIAO K'AI, style Tzu K'ai, Tzu Jo, or Tzu

Hsiu. * Hi BB, ^ * BK ^ ^> or ^ ^ A native

of Ts'ai ^, or Lu #K V. 5.

3. CII'IN CHANG, or Lao. ^ Jg or ^ style Tzu Chang ^ 55 or Tzu K'ai =f- gH^ A native of Wei ffi^ All else that is known of him is found in IX. 6.

4 CHUNG YU, style TZU LU. ft tf| , ^ ^f K or ^ ^^ A native of Pien "fv in Lu ^^ and nine years younger than Confucius. He was a man of bold and intrepid character, sometimes rebuking, sometimes rebuked by his Master, with whom his age permitted greater intimacy than the other disciples. Sometime in successful command of P'u Jjg in Wei $J^ At their first interview Confucius asked him of what he was most fond " My long sword," he promptly replied. " If," said Confucius, you were to add culture to your present ability, would you not be a much superior man ? " " Of what advantage

O THE ANALECTS : INTROIH.'CTION.

would learning be to me?" sceptically asked Tzu Lu. " On the southern hill is a bamboo, straight by nature and that needs no bending. If you cut it clown and use it, it will pierce the hide of a rhinoceros, — -what need is there of learning?" " Yes," said the Master, "but if you notch and feather it, barb and sharpen it, will it not penetrate much deeper?" Tzu Lu bowed twice paying reverence and submitting himself to the Master's teaching. Confucius was wont to say, " From the time that I obtained Yu, ill words no longer reached my ears." As foretold by the Sage he did not die a natural death. When K'uai Wai jjjjij JJiJ^ father of Duke Ch'u [£} „ asserted himself against his son to obtain his ducal rights, Tzu Lu was in the service of Chu's minister K'ung K'uei -j'L fil > K'uai Wai succeeded in entering the city during Tzu Lu's absence. Ch'u escaped, but K'ung Kuei was still within the city, where K'uai Wai, under pretext of gaining him over., was seeking his death. Tzu Lu hastening back to the city met Tzu Kao -^ rY; % who informed him of Chu's escape, and urged him to follow suit along with himself. Learning that his Master was still in danger he remarked, -^ :](: Q '<$ 'f* 5*S 31- $$U " U° w^° ea^s a riian's food may not go back on him in his hour of peril," and forthwith advanced to his Master's defence. Successful in obtaining an entrance to the city he sought to save him, but was attacked and mortally wounded. His cap string having been severed by the blow, he calmly re-tied it saying, " A man of honour does not doff his helmet to die." ^J -f $£ IJIJ ;c£ * &> II. 17; V. 6, 7. ,3,25; VI. 6,26; VII. 10, jS, 34 ; IX. i i , 2':> ; X. 17 ; XI. 2, i i , 12, 14, 17, 21, 23,

V. DISCIPLES MENTIONED IN THE ANALECTS. 8 1

24, 2S ; XII. 12 ; XIII. i, 3, 28 ; XIV. 13, 17. 23> 38. 4L

45 ; XV. i, 3 ; XVI. i ; XVII. 5> 7> 8, 23 ; XVIII. 6, 7.

5. CIIU YtfAN, style Po Yu. Jg J£, ^ f£ £, An officer in Wei with whom Confucius had lodged, and in whom he found a friend and a disciple. XIV. 26. XV. 6.

6. FAN HSU, i. c. Fan Ch'ih, style Tzu Ch'ih. g| ^ or $| 5§U *? "T S> A native of Ch'i ^ or Lu, 36 or

46 years junior to Confucius. " When young he dis tinguished himself in a military comrmnd under the Chi $ family." II. 5. VI. 20 ; XII. 21, 22 ; XIII. 4, 19.

7. FU PU CH'I, style Tzu Chien. ft (»1^ & or &*) ;p ^ £^ ^p (g^ A native of Lu, and 30, 40, or 49 years junior to Confucius. Had command of Tan Fu *jjji 3£A where he succeeded without effort though his prede cessor /g ^f- |$] had only succeeded with great labour. Asked by the latter his secret he replied, " I employ the men ; you employ their strength." V. 2.

8. JAN CH'IU, style Tzu Yu, & %l, ¥ ? %\ & native of Lu, related to the two next, and of same age as Chung Kung (No. 10), i. e. 29 years junior to Confucius. Noted for his versatility and varied acquirements, but not always approved by his Master. He was the means of his Master's recall from exile. III. 6 ; V. 7 ; VI. 3, 6, 10 ; VII. 14 ; XL 2, 12, 16, 21, 23, 25 ; XIII. 9, 13, 14; XVI. i.

9. JAN KKNG, style Po Niu, or Pai Niu. -ft UK ^ fa ^ or Q £f^ Also of Lu. Seven years junior to Confucius, and appointed by his influence to Chung tu tf* g|$^ formerly held by Conf. himself. VI. 6; XI. 2.

10. JAN YUNG, style Chung Kung. -ft ^ ^ fa P}^ Also of Lu. Twenty nine years junior to Confucius.

2 THK ANAI.l.CTS I INTKODUC TIOX.

Ills father was a mm of mean character. Related to the two last. V. 4 ; VJ. I, 4 ; XI. 2 ; XII. 2.

n. JU PKI, {g jg;, A native of Lu, said to have studied deportment under the Sa^e ; also to have ^ivui such offence to him that he tcfus-jd to receive him, or,— was it a lesson in jpg ? XVII. 20.

12. IvAO CILAI, style Tz'i Kao. jgf ^ if -f :H^ or ^ -j£ (1JL or |g) ^ a native of Ch'i f£ or Wei $j, and thirty (or forty) years junior to Confucius, "dwarfish and 1114-1 y, but of ^reat worth and ability." When criminal juds^e in \Vei duly compelled him to cut off a man's feet, who nevertheless afterwards saved his life when fleeing from the State. Confucius praised him as beiii.r able to administer justice without inspiring le.y-Mitment. XL 2.}.

13. KUNG-MSI CM'III, style T/ti Hua, ^ jTy i/j; , '--£ f* "^:> A nitive of I.uy forty two years junior to Con fucius, and noted specially for his knowledge of riivs ai:d

*• J £~>

ceremonies. V. 7 ; VI. 3 ; VII 33 ; XI. 21, 25.

14. KU\(i YK1I Cli'AXG, or Chili, style T/.ii Ch'ang or Chili. & <& £ or £,'-'{ if ]J , or -f ^ A native of Lu or Ch'i j^^ and son-in-law to Confucius. V. i.

15. KUNG PO UAO,stylcTzu Chou, & j{\ %{^ '-? f~ )»']> Known only for his slandering T/.-i Lu. XIV.

38.

16. K'LJXG LI, style Po Vu, ^ ijjijj ^ ^ ffj fft ^ Son of Confucius. Little is known of him except tint he re ceived his name in consequence of the present of a Carp, Li, gg to his father by Duke Ch 10 on his birth, and the incidents recorded in XI. 7 XVI. I } ; and XVII. 10.

V. DISCIPLES MENTIONED IN '?HE ANALliCTS. 83

17. LIN FANG, style Tzu Ch'iu. ft /#, ¥ * fl>\ A native of Lu. All tint is known of him is found in III 4.6.

18. MIN SUM, style Tzl Ch'ien, H3 ffl> 3s ^ $J, A native of Lu. By one account he is made fifteen, by another fifty years younger than the Sage. Noted for purity and filial affection. VI. 7 ; XI. 2, 4, 12, 13.

19. NAN-KUNG KUA, or NAN YUNG, style Tzu Vun0r -£ g 45 (jg or gj), ^ ^f '£, Nan-kung Kua and N m Yung are supposed to be the same parson, and if so it was he to whom Confucius gave his elder brother's' daughter in imrri-ige. Once when the palace of Duke Ai ^ WAS on fire, while others thought only of saving the pelf, he bent his energies to saving the library, thus pre serving the Chou Li, and other ancient monuments. V.

i ; XL 5 ; XIV. 6.

20. PUSlIANG,styleTZUHSIA. |> jgf^ ^ T H> The " Family Sayings " says he was a mtive of Wei ^JN Forty lour years junior to Confucius. When his son died he wept himself blind, but lived to a great age, presenting copies of the classics to Prince Wen of Wei in B. C. 406. An exact scholar and widely read, but not of wide calibre. I. 7; II. 8; III. 8. VI. 1 1 ; XI. 2, 15 ; XII. 5, 22; XIII. 16; XIX. 1-13.

21. SHftNCH'fcNG, style Chou. $ jg (^\ $^ or ^K ^ IS] (or $j|K 1-cft no certain trace behind him, it even being doubtful whether the names here given are all his or not. What can be really known must be gathered from V. 10.

22. SSU-MA KENG, style Tzu Niu, ^\ ig fK t£

84 THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

:f- ^K A native of Sung '£, and brother of Huan T'ui, \TI. 22, the officer who sent his men to pull down the tree by the roadside, where Confucius was giving his dis ciples a lesson. XII. 3, tj, 5.

23. TAN-T'AI MILH-MING, or Tzu Yu, ig ^ -^ $K '-£ rf ^> Like Tseng Tz a he was a nitive of \Vu Ch'eng -jj£ j-j,^ He was so ugly that Confucius was nut ;.Uracted t> hrn, and is recorded as having said afterwards, — " In judging by appearances I erred in regard to Tzu Yu." Followed by about three hundred disciples he travelled in what is m >dern Kiangsu, where his memory stiil remiins. This seems to hive hippened dining the Sage's lifetime. He was 39 or 49 years younger than the Sage. VI. 12.

24. TSAI YO, style TZU YVO, $- ^ ^ -f ^ A native of Lu ; for a time in command of Lin Tzu |5Jj ^ in the State of Cli'i. There he took p:irt in a rising which caused Confucius to be ashimed of him. Confucius re marked of him " In judging by mere speech I erred in regard t > Ts li Yu." See last cntr\'. V. o ; XVII. 21.

25. TSKXG S1IKX, i. e.TSKXG TZL', style Tzu Yu. It & i-c. It -f > -f ~t ^ or f- liil.^ A native of \Yu Ch'eng ^ j^ in Lu. Sent by his father in his 1 6th year into the State of Ch'u j£ to Confucius, to whom he was 46 years the junior. 1 le is one of the most famous of the Master's disciples. According to Tzu Kung he was of wide learning, of prepossessing appearance, of dignified bearing before cvui the noblest, of so! id virtue and im pressive sp.'cch. llis love for his parents was noted from childhood. Once when he was on the hills ^,'itheiiiv/ fuel

V. DISCIPLES MENTIONED IN THE ANALECTS. 85

his mother greatly needed him, and in default of any other way of summoning him had recourse to biting her finger. So sensitive was he to parental influence that feeling pain, he hurried home to sec what was the matter. Such was his filhl love that every time he read the mourning rites he was moved to tears. lie composed the Classic of Filial Piety ^ fj^ probably under the direction of his Master. He also edited and commented on the Great Learning, and is said to have composed ten books of the Li Chi. I. 4, 9; IV. 15; VIII. 3, 4, 5, 6, /: XI. 17; XII. 24; XIV. 28.

26. TSKNG TIKN, style Hsi. ^ jgj (or gj) > *? "fj\ father of the last named. XI. 25.

27. TSO CH'IU MING, £ J£ PJK has his tablcst with those of the disciples in the Confucian temple, but he is generally considered to be a predecessor rather than a follower of the Sage. V. 24.

28. TUAN-MU T'ZIj, style TZU KUNG $g -fc j!|, •? ~JF it or -f fl§> A native of Wei $ft^ 31 years younger than Confucius. Said to have risen from poverty to affluence through success in business. An able man, possessed of such diplomatic ability that he is credited with saving Lu from the more powerful State of Ch'i. He was devoted to his Master, by whose grave side he re mained for three years with the other disciples, and another three years after they had returned to their affairs. He was in comrmnd of Hsin Yang for a time, and in later life in office in Lu, Wei and Ch'i. I. 10, 15 ; II. 13 ; III. 17; V. 3, 8, ii, 12, 13; VI. 6, 28; VII. 14; IX 6, 12; XI. 2, 12, 15, 18; XII. 7, 8; XIII. 20, 24; XIV. 18, 31, 37; XV. 2, 9, 23 ; XVII. 19, 24; XIX. 2025.

86 THE ANAT.F.CTS : INTRODUCTION.

29. TUAN-SUN SHIM, style TZU CHANG, jjjj ft fllji, '-f -f- rj£, A Titivc of Ch'en $(, 48 junior to Con fucius. Well spoken of by T/u Rung for his humility and diligence. II. 18, 23; V. 18; XI. 15, 17, 19; XII. 6, 10, 14- 20; XIV. 43; XV. 5,41; XVJI. 6; XIX. i, 2, 3, 15, 16; XX. 2.

30. TZU-FLJ CHING-PO. -^ jjg # f£, an officer of Lu, and counted a disciple of the S.ige. Nothing is known of him save what is recorded in XIV. 38 and XIX. 23.

31. WU-M A SHIFT, style TzuCh'i. M J»J /^\ ^ -'£• ®^ A n.itive of Ch'rn fjjl or Lu, and 30 years junior to Confucius. See No. 7 Fu P'u Ch'i. VII. 30.

32. VKN IIUI, or YEN YC'AN, style T/u Yuan, ffj PI ()I" SH SK -i: }• SUK He was the favorite disciple of Confucius, and son of the next, who himself had been one of the Sage's pupils. lie was a native of Lu, 30 years junior to his Master, and apparently an unostentatious student, whose virtue lay not so much in speech as in putting into practise his Master's teaching. At 29 he is said to have been white haired through hard >tudy ; at 32 he died, and Confucius mourned him as much, or more than his own son. II. 9 ; V. 8 ; 25 ; VI. 2, 5, 9 ; VII. 10; IX. 10, 19, 20; XI. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, i 8, 22 ; XII. i ; XV. 10.

33- YKX \YU YAO, style Lu, ffj M ^ ^ j!f^ f..ther of the above. XI. 7.

3 |. VKN YKX, style TZU YU, H IK, '-'f :f J8JU A native of Wu J/l % 45 years younger thin Confucius, and distinguished lor his literary acquirements. When in command of \Yu GhVng ^ ^ he reformed the people by the use of jjif,1 *g ^ the arts of civilisation, receiving the

V. DISCIPLES MENTIONED IN THE ANALEDTS 8/

commendations of his Master. When asked by the noble, Chi K'ang ^ Jf^ why the death of Confucius had not caused a sensation in Lu like that of Tzu Cli'an in Cheng |$ V. 15, when everybody laid aside his orna ments, and weeping was heard for three months, he said, " The influences of Tzu Ch'an and my Master might be compared to those of an overflow of water and the fatten ing rain. Wherever the water in its overflow reaches, men take note of it, while the fattening rain falls un observed." II. 7 ; IV. 26 ; VI. 12 ; XI. 2 ; XVII. 4 ; XIX. 12, 14, 15.

35- YU JO, style TZU YU, or Tzu Jo, alias YU TZLJ, W $?> ^ ^ ?3f> A native of Lu, and 43 years junior to the Sage. Noted for his good memory and love of antiquity. In voice and appearance he so resembled Con fucius that after the death of the latter the disciples proposed to put him in the Master's place. Known also asYuTzu, ft 7, the Philosopher Yu already referred to in the Introduction, whose disciples along with those" of Tseng Tzu are credited with the compilation of the Analects. I. 2, 12, 13. XII. 9.

'35. YIJAN I-ISIEN, style Yuan Ssii, or Tzu Ssu, J£ M or J$ rn,A i£ -J- £i^ A native of Sung, fe or Lu, and junior to Confucius by 36 years. Noted for puiity and modesty, and for happiness in the observance of his Master's principles despite deep poverty. VI. 3 ; XIV, I.

LIST OF ABOVE AS NAMED IN ANALECTS.

Ch'ai No. (see above) 12. Chang .... 29.

88 THE	ANALECTS :	INTRODUCTION.
Ch'en Kang	I.	Shang	20.
Ch'en Tzu Ch'in	I.	Shen	o-
Ch'eng	... 21.	Shen Ch'eng	21.
Chi Lu	j.	Sliih
Ch'i-tiao K'ai ...	1,	Ssii-Ma Niu	2-
Ch'ih	... 13-	Tien	26.
Ch'iu	Q	Tsai Wo
			-4-
Chung Kung	... 10.	Tsai Yu	24.
Chung Yu	4.	Tseng Tzu	.., ... 25
Fan Ch'ih	... 6.	Tseng Hsi	... ... 26.
Fan Hsu	... 6.	Tzu Chang	29
Hsicn	... 36.	Tzu Chien...	7 •
Ilui	. 3?	Tzu Ch'in...
Jan Ch'iu	g	1y i i | I ci n	.
Jan Po Niu	... 9.	Z* LI 1 1 ^U I ... Tzu I lua ...	13-
Jan Tzu	... 8.	Tzu Kao ...	12.
Jan Yu	8.	Tzu Kung...	28.
Ju Pci	... n.	Tzu Lu	... ... 4.
Kung-hsi I lua ...	... 13.	Tzu Yu	. 34-
Kung Yell Ch';-; >	... 14.	Tz'u	28.
Lao ...	,,	\Yu-AIa Cli'i	O I
Li	... 1 6.	Yen ..	... ... -N 1 ? I
Lin Fang	... 17.	Yen Ilui ...
Min Tzu	... 18.	Yen Lu ...	:> :>
A I in Tzu Ch'icn	... 1 8.	Yen Yu	34-
Nan-Kung Km	... K).	Yen Yuan...	... ... 32.
X;m Yung	... i ,.	Yu	4-
Po Niu	... 9.	Yu Jo	35
Po Yu	... 1 6.	Yu Tzfi	35

V. DISCIPLES MEN HONED IN THE ANALECTS. 89

Yung 19. Yuan Ssu 36.

Yii ... 24.

PLACES OF PRINCIPAL DISCIPLES IN TEMPLE. VV. E.

£ # IS ' Si :F

B

^ ^

25 32

*

8 41

go

VI. -Chronological Tables.*

K C.

2852. Fu Hsi |K H K> oi" Pao Hsi /g IS J£>

Dynastic title, T'ai Ilao, -fa

2737. Shell Nung jflji J^ ]£,, or Lieh Shan JJJ ^ J

Dynastic title, Yen Ti, j£

2697. Hsien Yuan jjlf fj| J£A or Yu Hsiung /fj" t£ Dynastic title, Huang Ti, 5? 2597. Chin T'ien ^ ^ ]^ >

Dynastic title, Shao Ilao, ^ 2513. Kao Yang i§ p^ K>

Dynastic title, Chuan Hsu, jg[i 2435. Kao Hsin r^ ^ R>

Dynastic title, Ti K'u, ftf

2365. Dynastic title, Ti Chih, ftf

2356. YAO. ^-, TaoT'ang ^ $f ^^

Dynastic title, T'ang Ti Yao, Jjf ^ 2255. SHUN ft\ Yu Yu ^ /jt J£>

Dynastic title, Vu Ti Shun, J.JJ flj*

THE HSIA DYNASTY. JJ a,

2205. rHie Great YU, ^ p?J> or Hsia IIou JJ yg> 2197. Ch'i >,%\ 2188. T'ai K'ang ^ $£

2159. Chung K'ang. 2146. Ilsiang ^:[U

•• 1 am indebted to Mayer's Chinese Reader's Manual and to Sim Ching and Ch'un Ch'iu for much in tliese Tables.

IV. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 9 1

21 18. Interregnum of 40 2079. Shao K'ang ^7 Jj£,

years.

2057. Chu. JK 2°4°- Iluai. $[U

2014. Mang. £\ 1996. Hsieb. •$!;„

1980. Pu Chiang. /f< (»3K 1921. Chiung. J^} ( 1900. Chin, fjf^ 1879. K'ung Chia. -fl R1 .

1848. Kao. /£, 1837. Fa. ^

1818. Chieh Kuei, $fe 2$^ the Tyrant overthrown by

T'ang, Founder of Shang Dyn.

'THE SHANG. ^, or YIN ;g^ DYNASTY.

1766. CIPKNG TANG. r& 8I>

1753. T'ai Chia. ^fc F{1 ^ 1720. Wu Ting, ft T^

1691. T'ai Kcng. ^ J^> 1666. Hsiao Chia. /^ EJ3 >

1649- Yung Chi. jgg E1,^ 1637. T'ai Mou. ^fc [£,

1562. Chung Ting. fi|i ~J\ ^549- Wai Jen. ^j. ff^

1534- Ho Tan Chia. M EJ Ip ^ 1525. Tsui, jjjfl Zi-.

1506. Tsu ILsin. §1 ^^ 1490. Wu Chia. {^ t|l ,

1465. Tsu Ting, il 1\ 1433- Nan Keng. ffi ^

1408. Yang Chia. ^ l|J^

1401. P'an Keng, ^ ^[^ (changed dynastic title from

Shang ®, to Yin jg J

1373. Hsiao Hsin. /]> ^.:^ 1352. Hsiao I. /J\ 2j, 1324. WuTing. ^ T, 1265. Tsu Keng. JJU gf,

1258. Tsu Chia. ffl Jp ^ 1225. Lin Hsin. ^ -$,

1219 Keng Ting. $ 1\ 1198. Wu I. ^ 21, 1194. T'ai Ting. ^ T. H91- Til. ff? ^

1154. Cliou Hsin, |;>f ^> the T);rant overthrown by

Wu, Founder of Chou j%]^ Dyn.

THE ANAI.KCTS : INTRODUCTION.

TI-TK CIIOIT DYNASTY.

m su

BARONS of LU.

I 122.	WU. ift> Personal	I !22.	Duke Choi
	name Fa $&^		jq 5^^ ^
III5.	Ch'eng. J$c : E *	III5.	Po Ch'in. -
1078.	K'ang. 0 ^	IO62.	K'ao. ^
1052.	Chao. R3 IE,	IO58.	Yang. ^
IOOI.	MU. n BE,	1052.	Yu. (i^j^
946.	Kung. dt ^		\\'ei. |^^
934-	I- t£ 3E>		Li. J/SU
909.	Hsiao. -#: 5£^		Hsien fi(E,
894.	I- ^ 3E,		Chen. JfJL ^
878.	I-i- M 3:>		Wu. it^
827.	Hsuan. Vf :£ ^		I. g^
781.	Vu. |ij ^ 775,		Po Yu. ffl
	Solar eclipse, aut
	henticated.
770.	P'ing. ^ EE^		Hsiao. d$: ^
719.	Huan. ^:u" 3:^		Hui. Ig,
696.	Cluiang. jjj: -T^	722.	Vin. §1
68 1	Hs'. {£ £ %	711.	Huan. >j;[j\
676.	Hui. 3g j{^	693-	Chuang. ^
651	Ilsiang. ^ p_,	661.	Min. |jgs
6 1 8.	Ch'ing. tfl 3E >	659-	I-Isi. f3,
612.	K'uang. [H j£ ,	626.	\YC-n. 3t>
606.	Ting. >£ ;f;^	608.	Hsu' a n. ^^
585.	Chien. f)|] i ^	59°-	Ch'eng. f^J .
5/i-	^ing- IJ :f^	572.	Hsiang. J^
544-	Ching. ^ ^E>	541-	Chao. BS^

IV. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 93

510. Ching. Jgfc £, 509. Ting. ^

475- Yuan. =jt 3:^ 494- Ai. ^

468. Chen Ting. £ £ 3E , 467. Tao. ^ 440- K'ao. ^ 3E> 430. Yuan. TC>

425- Wei Lieh. J& gj £, 409. Mu. @, Lu lost in dependence.

401. An. % 3E> 376. Kung. ^

-375- Lieh. £'J 3E> K'ang. $£>

368. Hsien. gg HE, 343- Ching. ^

320. Shen Ching. P'ing. ^{S ^

« 88 £>

314. Nan, fg i^ surrend- Wen. 5:,

ered dominions to

Ch'in. ^^

255. Tung Chou Chun, ^ Ch'ing, ^, deprived

]i] ^^ nominally of title by King of

reigned till 249. Ch'u, Jg% 249.

THE CH'IN DYNASTY. ^ £,

255. Chao Hsiang Wang, [g || ^\

250. Hsiao Wen Wang. ^ ^r :£%

249. Chuang Hsiang Wang. $£ J| 3:^

246. Wang Cheng. 3£ $£^

221. SHIH HUANG TI. jfi ^ ^ Title assumed by Prince Cheng 3E &, on declaring himself " The first Emperor " in 26th year of his reign.

209, Erh shih Huang Ti. Zl ift ^ ^,

206. The HAN DYNASTY, gg g, Kao Ti, g ^% orKaoTsu. g jjifl,

94 THE ANALECTS I INTRODUCTION.

CHRONOLOGY OF KVKNTS IN LIFK OF

CONFUCIUS, AND LATFR. H. C.

800-729. Cheng K'ao Fu j£ 3% ~j|j\ ancestor of Con f. 710. Murder of son of list, K'ung Fu Cliia, JL 3£ /}?; ^

with whom name of K'ung ^L> began. Mu Chin Fu, fe $* 3£* Son of K'ung Fu Chia Yi I, if? ^^ Grandson of K'tmg Fu Chia. Fang- Shu, fjj ^^ son of last. He removed from

Sung, 5^> to Lu ®% Po Hsia, ffj J£^ son ol lrang Shu. 625-549. cil'c- Shu Liang Ho ^ %gi fc^ son of lust

and Father of Conf. 551. WRTH OF CONFUCIUS. 549. IJeath of Ins Father. 532. Married. Obtained office. 5' 30. Commenced teaching. 529. Death of Mother. 523. Studied Music. 518. Heir ol Meng family became his pupil. Probably

same year went to Imperial Capital, and intcr

viewed L-io tzu, if that interview really occurred. 517. Followed his Duke {}^ % to exile in Ch'i. y$^ 516. Returned to Lu. Fifteen years out oi office. 509. Duke Hft* died in exile. Duke y]£> succeeded

him.

501. Magistrate of Chung Tu rft ^^ 500. Minister of Crime. ^ t(I jS^ 498. If ever Prime Minister, which is doubtful, it would

be about this year.

IV. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. Q$

496. Piesent of Geishas from Wei j$f* to ^u- Retired from Lu to 1 3 years exile.

495. In Wei. Attacked in gU on way to 5^> In $[K

494. In gH,, during three years.

492. Incident at P'u fc'fK In ^Vei- To Yellow River,

and Chin ff^

491. To Ts'ai ^^ In distress and starvation on the way. 490. In Ts'ai.

489. In She H^ and Ch'u £6^ 488. Buck to Wei. ftj, 483. Recalled to Lu in his 691!) year. 482. Death of son, L? Jjf , 481. Death of Yen Hui fjj KU 480. Capture of ch'i ling ]gt §|^ Death of Tzu Lu

^ j», 479. DEATH OF CONFUCIUS, on nth day of 4th

month.

420. circ. Death at ? 82 years of age of ^L 4$* K'ung Chi, i. c. -f & ^^ Tzu Ssu Tzu, son of Li |J^ and grandson of Confucius. The rfi /ff^ is attributed to him. By some the ^; ^^ is also ascribed to him, by others to ^ -jF\ who was born 506. The date 420 is uncertain. Mencius mentions ^fL ^^ as in favour with Duke Mu of Lu in 408, in which case he must have been over 90 years of age.

372-289. MKNCIUS. In A. D. 1083 he was made Duke of Tsou $}[> gj S> ancl 'm l 33° Sub-

96 THE ANALKCrS : INTRODUCTION.

sidiary Sage ffii ^ £s Tomb at JJ|$ |$, Shantung. 212. Pnnning of the Books by $f; Q fff ^ of the JjS^

dynasty.

206. ^ dynasty destroyed, and fjf% dyn. set up. 195. Kao Ti j^ '$\ Founder of 1 Ian dyn. visited tomb

of Cunf , and sacrificed an ox

154. Recovery of Lun Yu and other books from wall of Confs hous/. JL :JC tiU K'ung An Kuo dccip hered and wrote a treatise on it. 104. Ssii-ma Ch'ien fj] J.iy ilk published his ^ fii^

Historical Records.

5. Death of % /_», i>S 5fi 3?j , the Prince of An- ch'iing, Chang Yii, who compared the various copies of the Lun Yii, and settled the text. A. D.

I. Conf. designated by Kmp, £J* ^jj\ " Duke Ni, the

all complete and illustrious.' 25-57. Commentator Pao Hsien Q /$, 57. Sacrifices to Confucius, (in association with the Duke of Chou )S] 5v>, ordered to be offered in all Colleges.

126-144. Commentator Ma Yung J,'4 ffllfU 127-200. Commentator Cheng Msiian. @|J ^^ 175. Classics cut in stone slabs. 240 248. Classics cut in stone slabs.

250. circ. Commentator Ho Yen fuj j£^ and his Co- workers.

492. Conf. styled " The venerable Ni, the accomplished Sage."

IV. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 97

Commentator Huang K'an ^ {Jrj^

609. Confucian Temple separated from Duke of Chou's, after which one to Conf. was erected at every centre of learning.

645. Conf. styled " K'ung, the ancient Teacher, accom plished and illustrious, all-complete, the perfect Sage." 657. The last title was shortened to " K'ung, the ancient

Teacher, the perfect Sage," at which it remains. 836. Classics again cut in stone, the others having

perished.

932 1010. Commentator rising Ping ffi ^|^ 1033-1107. ,, Ch'eng Tzu g =$ EU and

his elder brother ^f- f@^ 11301200. Commentator Chu Tzu ^ J£% 1623 1713. „ Mao Chi Ling ^ ^ ft\

1730. The 0 g: Jg |£ ^ §(, published. 1745- The raargjffi.HI ffi. 1761. The M m il ^> published. 1779. The K«liBP»*?1iBH\ published. 1829. The JH ^ g $„ published. 1852. The 0 « * *R ^> lublished. 1861. Dr Legge's translation of The Chinese Classics.

Vol. I. 1905. 'I he Illustrated Four Mooks published in Mandaiin.

f&HK^aifiScirigffl^^ A sign of the times !

1907. Tl:e Highest sacrifices ordeied by the Ktnpress Dowager, ranking Conf. no longer with the Sun. but \\ith Heaven and Eaith, and therefore with

THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

Shano- Ti. Another sign of the times! "Let him tliat readeth understand."

's?-- . .'

*t

&va./,

lV4-

i

*• -

99

VII. — Geography of China in the times of Confucius.

China during the Confucian period may be said to have been confined within the ' borders of a parallelogram, whose northern line ran somewhere near the Great Wall, (built circ. B. C. 214) ; whose eastern line was' the sea coast ; whose southern was the Yangtze, and whose western was the borders of Kansuh and Ssuch'uan. The coast seems to have been little known, and with the exception of the wilds of the Shantung Promontory, was probably a great stretch of unreclaimed marshy land.

Surrounding this territory dwelt many indigenous tribes, to the east and north-east the 1 J| ; to the north the Ti Jit I to tne south the Man g ; and ,to the west the Jung /;£, With numerous branches of these tribes the Chinese were in constant communication, either by way of peaceful barter and exchange of commodities, or with weapons of warfare.

The Empire was divided into many States, which had varied in number in different periods from, it is said, 1800 in the early days of the Chou Dynasty, to 124 shortly before our Sage's advent, and to a nominal " seventy two " during his lifetime. Most of them were exceedingly small, often little more than a town and its suburbs. The following list gives the names of the more powerful of these States, approximately in the order of their strength.*

* See Giles' Dictionary p. 1374, and the M ?9 S ft?>

ioo THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

STATE. PROVINCE. CAPITAL. MODERN.

ft Ch'i iljjji N

Chin lliW s Uf

ivv i y > I* jii i '^R?

ch'u aaft wiii w

»» *-* ^. ,,

feiltt

Yen fan M IllS^/ft ±m or

wei Mm

5^ Sung fnj]£j I<:

|^( Ch'en M rK SK ? ^£Jr|) PJJH'H/fl1 and ^

^ Ts'ai M]$J s l^.ir^l «i:S^f^ il^

and

f|5 Cheng KH ^' Tsao tlj^C SW

^B ch'i Mm K UK

% Chu Ojm E if)

^ Hsieh ^)K 1^ f;>^

ig Yiieh J|1fiL ?

The Royal demesne was in modern Ilonan, and its Capital was Loh f^^ or Loh I y§ f^^ in modern Honanfu.

In theory, the burons who ruled these States were all subject to the Kmperor. In fact, as already shewn, they

. VII. ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY. IOI

were independent and constantly intrigued and fought to obtain each other's territory. For this amongst other reasons no map can be anything but approximate, for the boundaries of the States were constantly changing.

The population was small and widely scattered, for instance, the three chief towns of Wei, after an incursion of the wild tribes in the 7th century B. C., only numbered a total of 5000 souls (Legge, Ch'un Ch'iu Intro, p. 127), and it is estimated that the whole Empire in the days of Confucius numbered but some thirteen millions of people.

Barter was the medium of commerce, pieces t-f cloth being the principal standard of exchange. The language was more 01- less homogeneous, and was evidently stronger in the possession of final gutturals, labials, and dentals than is the case with modern northern Chinese, which has probably suffered from the dominating influence of its Northern invaders, possibly from the tribes that were absorbed, and most of all from the eroding influences of time. Both in dress, language and manners the early Chinese differed totally from their ' indigenous ' neigh bours. Furs, silk, linen, and perhaps woollen or felt formed the principal articles of clothing. In their do mestic arrangements, houses built of brick, or of clay rammed hard, and with tiled roofs were in existence, but chairs had not yet been invented, and the people sat low down on mats as do the Japanese to this day. Books were cumbrous, being made from slips of bamboo, and the art of mapping had not yet been discovered, at least no map has come down to our days.

IO2 THE ANAI.KCTS ! INTRODUCTION.

The principal river was the Yellow River, which ac cording to Dr. Chalmers' map in Dr. Pegge's Ch'un Ch'iu, emptied itself into the Gulf of Pechili in the neigh bourhood of its present embouchure, north of the Shantung Promontory. According to the map given in the |HJ |lt <& fil^ it debouched into the Yellow Sea south of the Promontory, but this map was composed during the long period when the river pursued its southerly course, and what real evidence there is confirms Dr. Chalmers' view. It is reasonable to believe that it was the north-western arm of this great river which the Chinese pioneers struck on their entry into China, and it is certain that along its banks they had their early expansion. Hence to the ancient Chinese it was par excellence The River, and to them no other distinctive name was necessary. The Yangtze was then but little known, as it ran through a country for the most part unoccupied. Indeed the smaller streams of northern and eastern China were of greater importance than the mighty River whose magni tude today dwarfs all others to comparative insignificance. Of the smaller rivers the Wei and its tributary the Ching in Shensi, the Loh and Wei, and the tributaries of the Man and Huai in Honan, the Fen and the Ch'in in Shansi, the Chang in Chihli and the Chi in Shantung were among the most important.

The unoccupied country was either a swamp, or covered with forests in which tigers, leopards, bears and wolves, probably also the rhinoceros, the elephant, various kinds of saurians, and many other species of wild creatures, some of them now extinct, found their habitation.

VII. ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY. IO3

For the map which accompanies this volume the Author is indebted to the kindness of the Rev. G. D. Wilder, whose gg |£ (if 3c P i£ should be in every student's library.

IOJ

VIII.— Terminology.

There are certain terms of frequent occurrence for which it is impossible to find an exact connotation in English suitable for use throughout. To save burdening the notes with unnecessary repetition the following explan ations are given, and to these the student is requested to refer as occasion may demand.

tJEN2 (cf fj&). Composed of X ' man ' and H 'two,' indicating the right relationship of one man to his fellows ; in other words, a man of fH considers others as well as himself In general it may be translated by Virtue, the root of each being A vir, and both words representing man at his best. Its synonyms are humanity, humaneness, generosity, altruism, charity, kindness, etc. Confucius defines it in XII. 22 by ® A l°ve to nien- Chutzu defines it in I. 3 : t % ^ 2- 31 jfr £ ffi &> J^ is the law of love (charity), the virtue of the heart. The gq ^ & ffi in the same place says fc f? fjg ± £• fi3> It is the perfect embodiment of viitue, — for it includes all the other virtues, equity, reverence, and wisdom, {;_! Q |§ jjjg §^ In another place IV. 3 Chutzu says fn -ft }$ %L >6> Tlie J^n are free fr°m selfishness. He also says t ^f A -til> It means 'man/ i. e. the whole duty of man. Again JSl £ 2fc ?& t '&* To Put yourself in another's place is jen. Again g£ A t ~£ tA\ Love is the extension (exhibition) of jen, The

VIII. TERMINOLOGY. 10$

following are other definitions : tl :?? ^c J£ f§j Jffi ffij

J? £ * M ; t a 2E B m ¥ ± T ; t M «

m* i& * rfn >fr & ± &• -liL ; t M'J & f£ £ *

rfn A JB £ ffi •& ; t & & » & m » * &

S & ; t*A«,A±ff^Lt:**&t:

* * « fie Kv 3t A n « t ; ffll B ± *fr t ± ffl •& ; t: * ^ flfi ^ fe ± >6 ® ± S * P^ HI1] T£ ^f * ± & & ; t ± K * II tlL ; t

* S 2^ A in ^ S ^ Ja & A ± ^ «i £ ft Kit & A ± ft ± «,

,4 Composed of ' sheep ' (possibly a contraction of ^) and ' I.' May mean ' I must be a good man ' ; see Williams' Dicty. Right, equity, justice, fair; In 1.13 Chutzii defines it by Ifl £. S -liL> tnc rights of things. Elsewhere he says it is tfo £ $1j |j| ^ g^ the regulating of the heart, the rights of things. Again fg g -& fi^ $JJ K %f ft ± ^ !a\ The shaping of all things till they are as they should be. The fe ff| under II. 24 says: H S A ± /?f ^t S, It is that which is verily the duty of man to do. An extension of the meaning is H M ± >fr ^ ^ KB llL, A sense of shame is the beginning of righteousness. The following may also be added ; H ft f,',J M W ± » III ffi Iff) '<& ± ^ ^f

*- % -til $ W lii « ^- ii -til A m 2. B Hf ± ; S§ * A ,& ± ii fij,

J.U From 'to worship,' or Mo indicate,' and ' sacrificial vessel.' This word connotes the idea of the offerings and respect clue to gods and men. The m X says : ^ # \\)\ # £ & m % $$ %% & jR

io6 TIIK ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

consists of ' indicate ' and ' sacrificial vessel,' for Li being hidden (within) is not readily visible, therefore the sacr ificial vessels arc spread for its manifestation. It may be trans lated by religion, ceremony, depoilment, decorum, pro priety, formality, politeness, courtesy, etiquette, good form or behaviour or manners. It also means an offering as an indication of respect. Chutzii in I. 12 defines it thus: jjjjj

*f 5£ m ± fill £ A y* ± m M til, I-i means the regulations and refinements o! Divine (or Natuial) law, and the usages and rules thereof in human affairs. In another place he says: fjjjj jgj .{ji^ Li is t'i, i. e. the embodiment (of respect). Again it is {ji~lj JJ im ©-, n]1(- and order. And again jf® R £ - ' fl )K It is merely the observance of order (or rank). Yutzii in

I. 12 says that its exhibition is to be natural ;f[] (not forced yft.K ^n a comment on III. 4 Li is taken as the outward adornment y^ of an inward respect %fy^ which latter is considered as the essence of L1', and the commen tator remarks |jl It ® ^ }Z jjyj jf^ ^j ffi iji, ^ ,f/ S8 -f JS ffij S >fj f^ llL^ It is better to have an excess of esteem and a deficiency in ceremony than an excess of ceremony and a deficiency in its essential.

II. K. Ku defines jji^ by ' Art,' but to attempt to connote Li throughout by Art produces results foreign to the text. For jpQ gj! see next. The following are fuither defini- tions of Li:— 19 &, K m ffi ii fi * fin if © 3fc

12 m ± H¥ ; «c rfri 3? ± W 3£ fii JW K 89 ; i]l

'ft K }-f- ± ill1! jf.3 ; g9 M Hi Jtf IIIJ * A IW M

ff ± ; iffi # >j< 4i K Hi ^^ *n )i Ki S3 m tt

*« ^ W JW ii ji Hi,

VIII. TERMINOLOGY. IO?

Composed of drums on a frame. Read Yo,4* it is. Music ; read Yao,4 it is To enjoy ; read Lo4* it is Joy ; and this seems to be the correct etymological order. The Shuo Wen jf£ £ says :-/h f] £ HI S * If £

a as » w ± B s -& tr z BI m m $M $ m m m jjb & %. & $ ^ /n >e ± si we & 11 m

A 1$ « * m Hi /h a « ffi ^ JK ± * 8 51

iflJ Iff l!l> Jn its milder form it is |£ pleasure, in its stronger form it is |j(| joy. When spoken of individually it means pleasure -y:^ when spoken of in numbers it means ^ joy. Extended it finds instrumental expres sion. The original character is composed of a big drum with two small drums on each side, etc. The whole is hung on a frame ;/j^ C. says :— The foundation of all music is fjj Harmony, in the absence of which all the instruments ^ & jg jj^ chimes, strings, bells and drums produce mere noise. Hence jg and |J| have a close connection, they are brothers so to speak, both dependent on the same source jfjj Harmony; see jjg, The two in close combination jig ^ may be understood in the sense of Civilisation, or the Arts of Civilisation. See also Mencius IV. I. 27. where Music is described as the climax of the virtues when & & £g- ;£ ^ ;£ ||if: ^ the feet spontaneously express it in dancing and the hands in waving.

WKN2 is used for adornment, polish, culture, re- finement. VI. 12 shews the value to be placed upon it as compared with moral character ; gf substance, character, and 5C decoration, culture, are there compared. jt is spoken of as g$ fj ^ m Z X> The culture of

IO8 THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.

Poetry, History, and the Six Aits. ( jf»3 *J* %] $J) i1! M> Deportment, music, archery, driving, wiiting and numbers.) •J!S $i means culture, civilisation. Note also : j£ ft 1|[£|

.£1 faE &f 8£s 4U 3*C flf $& -til* I "TJ" ^ ife- A ffl) Wfc K

jgEf HSUKH2* from •#: To teach, [~] A waste and

^F* 0 for the phonetic (Williams). To learn, by which the Sage meant the study of morals. It means the acquisition of wisdom £ll and its expression in conduct ff^ A comment under I. /says: H ft ^ '^- i? W &. BH A f&> ^ie education of the Three Dynasties (Jl iS J?I ) consisted entirely in the understanding of human duty. Chutzii defines it by y%^ To copy an example ; for the learner observes and follows the example of his leader, ifj -^ says : ^ ^ Jtt «& 01 J& f§ S rf^^ Learning demands conscientiousness and sincerity as its first principles. The ^ ^ says: I he object of learning is the apprehension of illuminating virtue, the renovation of the people, and the (aiming at and) resting in perfect goodness.

^te- TAG4. From ^ To go, and ft A head,— go ?Sr ahead, follow the straight ahead road. The right Road ; the Truth ; the way. In I. 14 Chutzii describes it as ?JV ^7 '&* #£ £ J'iU (Affairs and things ought so's law). The natural law pertaining to any phenomenon. In the *[i .f,|f the word -Jg is amplified thus : j£| J.h ^ ^

VIII- TERMINOLOGY.

so to speak. Did men and things all follow the inherent law of their nature, then, in the affairs of daily life, none would be found to be without its right road, and this is what is called Tao. In the rfi ;$ it is defined as ^ ft to follow the nature, i. e. the divinely implanted upright nature. It also means g\ to say, speak; also ffi to govern ; also ^ to lead. See also : — (^ B jp A £

«; a. m & m &> m m K % A; JB K & A

Si BA--aiffi±Jtr:jt0K*H ft ± W « fi IB M fr & ; - JS 0 IB 8fr JB JB A »»&A£rttSB5RJI<&; IB * 3c a ± g & ; £ JB # IE « £ ffi A « it g IE IIB^itJBAJBIS*,«*^A±«*,5F

» a ffi f f A & » 3fc & * « % .€ '£ f. T t Jk 4 -t *6 A ; ^WJB*«ffi*%««

± a A ± J5f * * * A,

MING4. Composed of n mouth and -^ tocom- mand. A decree, order, hence ^ fa is thedecree or ordination of heaven, therefore also fate, lot, destiny. Chutzu under II. 4 says: ^ fa g[J ^ -f ;£ gfe ff [fn K SJ" % ^> By the ordination of Heaven is meant the . promulgation and bestowal of the laws of Heaven in nature; viz., that whereby all creation obtains its order. Another definition is ^ 0? JK £ IE Si , The correct principles (or right laws) laid down by Heaven. See

§W&±JSlttK;2:JBA'ifc*£3tP

Pjrif. iii yv |if 'U p| nrr -t!L>

TE2. From ^ To step ; j|[ straight ; and >fj» the heart, i.e. walking according to the heart's sense ol

HO TIIK AN A LKCTS : INTRODUCTION.

rectitude ; cf. mens sibi conscia recti. To walk uprightly ', moral, morality, viitue, viituous, etc. Chutzu in his com ment on II. i. says: fjg ;> 1§ fj ffi (iL ft SI fill 4} ffi K 'lV > ^ ma>7 k° interpreted by 'something acquired', that is, by the practice of Truth to have obtained posses sion of it in the luait. Hence it is something more than mere outward morality of conduct, it is also an inward grace of the soul. See also:— $g £}• llL ffi ty It •& :

*,fr Mt -£ JjlJ ^

CHUNG1. 1 leart and middle. The central heart ; from (or in) the very heart ; sincere, conscientious, loyal. - C, says : f£ 2, Q sit 1? J5& or ^ S ^ nl'i /£» T° Put oneself forth to the utmost, i.e. do one's best is Chung. See also IV. 15, and:— & ff :fc y&'- 5V ^

£ 5p] *n Si?. ^ 1$ n ffi /ifc ^ '[* I'L IS *fc ^^: ^5 fS S '!' 5li &; ^ ^ "K j^ *& SB S ffl SS- >t>

^ ^f3 & Jf !H>

tEi* I1S1N '. l\Ian and word. A man and his word. ~^. •>

tt Veracity, credibility, faith, faithfulness. The

comment on I. 4. says : J^JI '[:jf ^ ffi }f}^ To be true, reliable, is to be hsin. Sec also : — \}{\ t\fy) f;[f- ££ ® frS 5

*t 3K fsii ^ *n iffi All; S ?r. ills I? * f« ^ PS W rfii ^ fg ^i^ IS A iMifc Kv ;£ A IV ^S fS,

HSIAO '. >g Age over -f A son, or, The young ^supporting the old. The comment on I. 2 is

ifc IJj. J£ f>J- 15 >?:% To serve well one'sparents ish.^ia-).

See also: - #: i? (ll, g> ^f & jjj: ill JJ? 'Ift Af -ill ^

VIII. TERMINOLOGY. Ill

k -r- * * in,

CHING4 from #j careful, (= g urgent), and £x to tap (= ft W- Attend to). Attention, respect, reverence. The comment on I. 5. is $fc ^f r£ — $H SS ^ MS* Ching means bending the undeviating attention to one thing. Again, $& £ § ® ± i}K In kung the stress is on the form, in ching on the fact. Also 3$ & ft ft © ± -¥ *K Kung is the external manifestation, Ching is the internal sense. See also:-® % ffr Hi: ® « tiL tH Q «l * & ; ifc * « t$ * ffi 4. a g: 5R & £ « 4t •* -&,

±SHIH4 from -|" anc^ — » anc^ tne explanation given is ^ — ^ -f- which seems to imply ability to count up to ten ! In effect it means, an educated man; hence also, a student, a scholar, and therefore one who has obtained government recognition and employment. It is also defined: ± % $ & fl 2p Z fi5 I Shih is the same as affairs, and is a term implying, one who undertakes (government) business See also : -j^ Ip. $l

» *6 =f -«» + tt "I* '*«-•* + »

±; ± * * til « * ± ffi -Hi Sfc 1* am*

^ m m &m z ±>

CHUN1, fj is from ^ To hold in the hand, i.e. to direct, command, and P mouth ; it means a prince. ^ -f therefore, is Son of a prince, and might be translated, princely man. It has much the same meaning as gentleman in the best sense of that term. The comment on I. I. is ;fj ^ J$; fj& H ^3^ A term connoting a man of perfected virtue ; i e,.

H2 THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.

one who has raised himself to that standard. Another interpretation is Jf f-g \[\ jffe & ^, A man of out standing talents and virtue. It is the opposite of A^ A* a petty or narrow minded man, a common fellow. See also :—g *£ ft ft ft '•{- ; ft ^ ft fa

£ A -lli;

IISIKN2. Minister and Right hand over Pre cious; or j^U A faithful minister over goods. IS ft $fe 4* -tiL H ft U IJL> One who controls the exchequer. A simpler definition is /f| f*§ ^ A mm of virtue. Such a man is talented as well as virtuous. He takes rank higher than a ft ^ and lower than a g? A q.v.

SHKNG4. From 3f ear and jg to inform. He who hears and explains all things, a seer, a sage. The description of a §6 A ^ & flB ^1J ±, ^ JIB ff ^^ His knowledge is innate, and he pursues the right course without effort. I. 4. knocks any such definition to pieces so far as Confucius is concerned, but this difficulty is overcome by interpreting that p issage as only the Sage's fa$on de parlcr, his object being to shew that the pro gramme laid down in that chapter should be the student's desideratum. Other definitions are $J Jjg, ilJ,^ Ap prehending clearly ; fj[E JJf ^ }fe^ There is nothing he fails to apprehend. See also :— 3ft! \% I{]J "a H'J *S Ji:

^ M -tfL 'fiC ,KV 3t fl ;',!: ^ Jft! Jft! KIJ ;«]g ^ -ft g

VIII. TERMINOLOGY. 113

m m m m ^ *r *n 2, z m *>

1 TZU2. Williams says ^ is from 'one' and 'great,' or, a man with a pin in his hair to shew he is of age. 5^ alone means a man ; R5 ^c a fellow, common person, XIV. 18. f£ j§ a husband and wife. ^ A Title of a prince's wife, XVI. 14. .^C ^ a Minister, or Court Officer. ^ ^f Master, rabbi, philosopher.

~"|^ A child, a son. It is interesting to find that this J diminutive term ^ should have become one of the greatest in the language, just as Son of Man and Son of God have become the noblest titles of Our Lord. Possibly ^f- is an abbreviation of 5^ ^jp^ It is used alone in the Classics principally in the three following senses, I. THE Master, Confucius, a term of the highest esteem and warmest regard ; in this sense it may be used preceding a name, e.g. in the Intro, to the Great Learning •T- S •? * " My Master Ch'eng-tzu." 2. As a term of respect in the sense of Sir, gentlemen ; or of kindly regard, my pupils, my friends, H H -jp HI. 24 ; VII. 23. 3. As a title of nobility, Viscount, XVIII. i. or leadership, Chieftain, XIV. 22. See also ^ ^ and

a ?»

THE

ANALECTS

OF

CONFUCIUS.

Abbreviations.

Conf. Confucius.

C. Commentary of Chutzu.

Comm. Some other commentator.

L. Legge's Translation.

Z. Zottoli's „

K. Ku's „

Couv. Couvreur's ,,

Kuan. The Mandarin version.

Wins. William's Dictionary.

Intro. Introduction.

aux. auxiliary.

govt. government.

wh. which.

1. 1.

The Analects of Confucius.

VOLUME I. BOOK I.

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CHAPTER I.— i. The Master said; "Is it not indeed a pleasure to acquire know ledge and constantly to exercise oneself therein ? 2. And is it not delightful to have men of kindred spirit come to one from afar ? 3. But is not he a true philosopher who, though he be unrecognised of men, cherishes no resentment ? "

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I. I.

The Analects of Confucius. VOLUME I.

BOOK I.

NAL PRINCIPLES.

TITLK OF THE WORK. »& Lun is from g words and ^ (,A— -j^ collect, and [{[j- archives. Wins.) ar range, collect, i.e. discourses, discussions, f/j- Yii is from words and I, i.e. to tell, inform. The [^] ^]- fjjfj fj (Intro, p. 76) says: §fc «. ^ ffc f/j & ^ $, Lun is to deliberate upon and discuss. Yi'i is to narrate by \vay of reply. It goes on to say : This Book records the dialogues (ftj prlj ^ £. ft SS) which took place be tween Conf. and his disciples concerning- Education (J^l) and Government ('#}). " The Dialogues of Confucius " suggests itself as a more suitable title than Analects, but through Dr. Legge's influence the latter term has become technical, and is therefore adopted as the title of the pre sent version. The whole work is usually divided into two parts, the J^ fj^ and the ~~f ffa^ Viirt I consisting of Chapters I-X, and Tart II of Chapters XI-XX.

TJTLK ( )F JU)OK I. The two opening characters, ( ]' [-1 exce[)ted,) give the title to each Book, a custom, as J )r. Legge points out, similar to that 01 the Jews, who name many books of the Bible from the first word in them.

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THE ANALECTS. I. I.

Some attempt, more or less successful, was made by the compilers to arrange the books subjectively, that of the first being J# ^ Attention to fundamentals. C. jjfc ^

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being the opening section of the book, it chiefly records the importance of enquiry into what is fundamental, in other words the entrance gate of Truth, the groundwork of virtue, the primary study of the student." Hence the opening word Learn " rightly occupies the forefront " (L) in this valuable record of the great Master's dis courses.

CHAPTER L— LEARNING IS PLEASANT, re cognition pleasanter, but the true Philosopher loves learn ing for its own sake. i . -f EU For ^f- see Intro. Sec. VIII. Construction: — IJi Learning, may be taken as a verbal noun; [fij and, a conjunction, simple or adversative, (Kuan, ffjj _gj ; ft$ the hourly, an adjective ; ^ practice, exercise, a verbal noun, (Kuan. Jn^ Jj|») ; ;£ thereof, a pronoun, with Jfl as antecedent, /p (is it) not, adverb oi negation, ~$$ also, indeed, an adverb ; f£ yue'tf used for '1^ pleasing, an adjective, (Kuan, ||f 3S); ^ interroga tive particle, (Kuan D^). For ^ see Intro. Sec. VIII. C. ^> B ft » <&> * ± ^ 1i> i-e. Learning without cessation, like the oft repeated motion of a bird's wings in flight. L. Is it not pleasant to learn with a con stant perseverance and application. Z. Studere sapientiae et jugiter exercere hoc, nonne quidem jucundum? K. It is indeed a pleasure to acquire knowledge and, as you go on acquiring, to put into practice what you have acquired.

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I- I. "• TIIK AXALF.CTS: INTRODUCTION.

Couv. Celui qui cultivc la sagessc, ct nc cessc dc la cultivcr. satisfaction?

2. ft To have, verb; JJfl friends, noun; f] from, prep; Jj£ distant, adj. qualifying ~Jj n. regions; ^ come, verb. To have men-of-like-mind from distant regions come (because of one's wisdom), — is it not delightful ? C. /UK IP] ITl -&> Of the same class (i. c. tastes) as oneself. J3 # 2£ A, Iffi fB $? # ^, If a man extend his goodness to others, those who trust and follow him will be many. |j£ is internal pleasure, ^ its outward manifesta tion. Knan *fe fo M « « % |i] ^ E *> L- Is it not pleasant to have friends coming from distant quarters? Z. Et si erunt sodales etc. K. A greater pleasure still it is when friends of congenial minds come from afar to seek you because of your attainments. Couv. Si des amis cle la sagesse vicnnent de loin rccevoir scs lemons, joie ?

3. (Whom) men ignore yet unperturbed etc. fj ^f See Intro. VIII. C. ^ fe fa :£^ Conveys the idea of feeling angry. Kuan. $ jg^ L. Is he not a man of complete virtue, who feels no discomposure though men may take no note of him ? Z. Si non, ab aliis nesciri et non indignari, nonne etiam sapientis cst ? K. Ikit he is truly a wise and good man who feels no discomposure, even when he is not noticed of men. Couv. et n'en rcsscnt aucunc pcine, un vrai sage?

CHAPTER II.— CHARITY BEGINS AT HOME, i. /fj ^f Yu the philosopher, sec Intro. V. J(: %§ \ ,\\i^ He doing the man. (^ here is an untranslatable particle), ^ tfc filial and respectful to his elders, jfyj and yet,

120

THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION. I. u.

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CHAPTER II.— i. The philosopher Yu said : " He who lives a filial and respectful life, yet who is disposed to give offence to those above him is rare ; and there has never been any one indisposed to offend those above him who yet has been fond of creating disorder. 2. The true philosopher devotes himself to the fundamental, for when that has been established right courses naturally evolve ; and are not filial devotion and respect for elders the very foundation of an unselfish life ? "

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I. II. THE ANALECTS.

(Kuan gf), -ft one who, ff likes, 3E to offend, (Kuan ft PI')- -h superiors, (A';/,™ ft ^ £ _h tfj A). 1$ (is) rare, (A)/*?;* ^7 ;fj ), ^- indeed, a particle of finality. >R £ 'ftf » not vet h"11 nave liac^ never been such a owe ; or ;£ may be taken in a general sense. C. 3£ Ip- 3£ ^J IS S£; U yi- ft fi 3$ 16, To serve well one's father and mother is ^ ; to serve well one's elder brothers and seniors is j£, fp ^ RlJ ^ •[$ Jt ^ 13 ± $• £, Raising disorder, is acting rebelliously and quarrelsomely. The ^ ^ are f[) ||g, pacific and obedient. L. There are few who, being filial and fraternal, are fond of offend ing against their superiors. There have been none etc., stirring up confusion. Z. at qui non ament repugnare superioribus, et tamen ament facere seditionem, nondum ii extitcrunt. K. A man who is a good son and a good citizen will seldom be found . . disposed to quarrel with those in authority over him ; and . . never . . disturb the peace and order of the State. Cotiv. Parmi les hom- mes naturellemcnt cnclins a respecter leurs parents, a honorcr ceux qui sont au-dessus d'cux (par le rang ou par 1'age), etc.

2. The true philosopher %£ (C. $f. j] ; Kuan. $. ffi }}] -Jj) bends his strength to fa the radical ; the radix being jt sct UP> ffi ^1C ^ a>'> 0"'&nt ^'nc °^ thought or action), /^ is produced ; ^: $, $1 ft filialness and fraternity ! Jfl they $j are (cf French, faire, but C. says it resembles fj, i.e. fH in action,) {H ^ fa the root of human kindness, |frl are they not? Kuan 1$^ Williams treats ^Jj, ft- as a disjunctive particle ; T^ says " they resume the discourse." For fil see Intro. VIII. L.

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THE ANALECTS. I. II, III, IV.

The superior man bends his attention to what is radical. That being established, all practical courses naturally grow up. Filial piety and fraternal submission! — are not they the root of all benevolent actions ? Z. Sapiens intendit rei fundamento ; fundamento constitute, rei ratio nascitur : ilia observantia . . annon ipsa est exercenda? pietatis fundamentum ? K. A wise man devotes his attention to what is essential in the foundation of life. When . . laid, wisdom will come. Now, to be a good son and a good citizen, — do not these form the foundation of a moral life ? Couv. La racine une fois affermie, donne naissance au tronc et aux branches. L'affection etc.

CHAPTER III. FINE FEATHERS DO NOT MAKE FINE BIRDS. TJ clever, artful. fa com mand, — an " ordered " countenance. ^ ' The effluence from the countenance." Williams. C. $f J(: Jf\ |J £: £> gC tfe K K ffi &. 1ft A> They who make their speech pleasant and their appearance attractive, thus adorning the external with a view to attract men, — arouse the passions and destroy virtue. L. Fine words and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated with true virtue. Z. Comptis verbis et ementita facie homines, raro sunt pietate praediti. K. W7ith plausible speech and fine manners will seldom be found moral character. Couv. Celui qui par des discours etudies et un exterieur compose, . . mine (6]f = O ses vertus naturelles.

CHAPTER IV. INTROSPECTION AND SIN CERITY. For Tseng Tzu see Intro. V. Kuan !g , *g «: 1*> *T »; ^ % m, S * My body, personality, self. For others planning, and yet not con*

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I. IV, V. THE ANALECTS.

scicntious? with friends inte re cursing, yet not faithful? taught, yet not having practised? ^ to transmit, " preached and not practised " seems the natural interpreta tion, but C. renders it 51" ^ K W» received from the Master. Kuan, ft & ft g ^ tfj ^ 1ft, For & and m see Intro. Mil. C. fK Bl'l S» ± ** B, Brought it to ripeness in oneself. L. whether in transact ing business for others, I may have been not faithful ;

intercourse with friends not sincere ; not mastered

and practised the instructions of my teacher. Z. an pro

aliis tractaverim, et non fuerim fidelis ; sincerus ; an

traditam disciplinam hand factitavcrim. K. in carrying out the duties entrusted to me by others, I have failed in

conscientiousness ; sincerity and trustworthiness ;

failed to practise what I profess in my teaching. Couv. si, traitant une affaire pour un autre, je nc 1'ai pas traitee avec moins de soin que si ellc cut etc- ma propre affaire.

CHAPTER V.— RADICAL RULES E( )R RULERS. J|| for i|J To lead, interpreted by C. as ffi to control, rule. Kuan, fc JM, C. ^ ^, |}} & ± BU ^ Ali pj j£j .fe ]|i =p ^ -jft ,fti^ A dukedom, or barony en the highest order, capable oi putting into the field a thou sand war chariots. $fc 'ft ^ rfe "" M M ^ f'i'l > ^ct on one thing and not purposeless. \ft '//J- j^^ Having the confidence of the people is C's idea. Kuan, fjf J'J

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JK K( s~ HS> '^'nc pcoi>lc should be employed on State affairs only in the " cracks," inactive intervals oi farming. Kuan, fi El 4£ WJ 0 T> C- These five points are the %fr ^ ^ -jj? fundamental principles of government.

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THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION. I. in, iv, v.

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CHAPTER III.— The Master said ; " Art ful speech and an ingratiating demeanour rarely accompany Virtue."

CHAPTER IV.— The philosopher Tseng said : " I daily examine myself on three points, — In planning for others have I failed in conscientiousness ? In intercourse with friends have I been insincere ? And have I failed to practise what I have been taught ? "

CHAPTER V.— The Master said ; " To conduct the government of .a State of a thousand chariots there must be religious

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I- V, VI. THE ANALECTS.

L. reverent attention to business and sincerity ; economy

etc., and love for men, etc. Z. accurat negotia amat

alios. K. serious in attention to business and faithful and

punctual in his engagements love the welfare of the

People proper times of the year. Couv. doit etre

attentif aux affaires et tenir sa parole, modercr les depcnses, et aimer les homines, n'employer les pouplcs aux travaux publics etc.

CHAPTER VI.— CHARACTER BEFORE CUL TURE. *fc -f A youth or youths. The second % is f()r 'Isfc^ A \i\ Coming in or going out; i.e. at home and abroad, jjlj , Thereupon; Kuan ££> ^ Circum spect, Kuan 0: 'fg^ but C. interprets by ft Z # '&\ constancy in action, persevering. C. fg ^ ^ ^ ~<\\ U -IJL, Truthful in speech. -^ Kuan fi| |gj , C. /$, \\~ide, of broad s)-mpathies. §,} Kuan |g ^T^ ^ See Intro. VIII. ££ j) ^ Surplus ability. Kuan ffi £ (ft -)] $&'> C. ^ g Eg fj ^ Leisure time, so to speak. Jl^ ^ Jfl iiL> Use. X See Intro. VHI. £S t?> >fc -fit ; X l!v, 3fe -tiL> Moral character is the root, literature and the arts are the foliage. E. A youth when at home

should be filial ete earnest and truthful overflow

in love to all, and cultivate the friendship of the good. \\hen he has time and opportunity, after the performance of these things, he should employ them in polite studies.

^ sit sedulus ct ye rax, universal! amore prosequatur

omnes, at aretius jungatur probis, et si actione funetus habeat superstites vires, tune utetur ad studia liberalia.

K lie should be in sympathy with all men, but

intimate with men of moral character time and op-

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THE ANALECTS. I. V, VI.

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attention to business and good faith, econo my in expenditure and love of the people, and their employment on public works at the proper seasons."

CHAPTER VI. - The Master said : " When a youth is at home let him be filial, when abroad respectful to his elders ; let him be circumspect and truthful, and while exhibiting a comprehensive love for all men, let him ally himself with the good. Having so acted, if he have energy to spare, let him employ it in polite studies."

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