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TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS
OF
HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, AND
OTHER TREATY PORTS
OF CHINA.
Cwentkri) Centurp Impressions
Bonflkonfl, SbangDait and otDer Creatp
Ports of Cbina:
THEIR HISTORY. PEOPLE, COMMERCE, INDUSTRIES, AND RESOURCES.
Editor-in-Chief: ARNOLD WRIGHT (London). Assistant Editor : H. A. CARTWRIGHT (Hongkong and Shanghai).
London, Durban, Perth (W.A.), Colombo, Singapore, Hongkong, Shanghai, Bangkoli (Siam), Batavia (Netherlands India), and Cairo :
LLOYD'S GREATER BRITAIN PUBLISHING COMPANY, LTD
1908.
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HIS EXCELLENCY SIR FREDERICK JOHN DEALTRY LUCARD. K.C.M.G.. C.B„ D.S.O.
(Governor of Hongkong, Comm»nder-ln-Chlef, and Vice- Admiral) , and LADY LUCARD.
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HIS EXCELLENCY SIR JOHN N. JORDAN. K.C.M.G.
(British Minister at Peking)
PREFACE.
IHIS xvorh is the outcome of an enter-prise designed to give in an attractive form full and rcliatile information with reference to the outlying parts of the Empire. The value of a fuller knowledge of the " Britains beyond the Sea" and the great dependencies of the Crown as a means of tightening the bonds which unite the component parts of the King's dominions was insisted upon by Mr. Chamberlain in a memorable speech, and the same note ran through the Prince of Wales's impressive Mansion House address in which His Royal Highness summed up the lessons of his tour through the Empire, from which he had then just returned. In some instances, notably the case of Canada, the local Governments have done much to diffuse in a popular form infor- mation relative to the territory which they administer. But there are other centres in which official enterprise in this direction has not been possible, or, at all events, in which action has not been taken, and it is in this prolific field that the publishers are working. So far they have found ample justificalion for their labours in the widespread public interest taken in their operations in the colonies which have been the scene of their work, and in the extremely cordial reception given by the Press, both home and colonial, to the completed results.
Briefly, the aim which the publishers keep steadily before them is to give a perfect microcosm of the colony or dependency treated. As old Stow, with patient application and scrupulous regard for accuracy, set himself to survey the London of his day, so the workers employed in the production of this series endeavour to give a picture, complete in every particular, of the distant possessions of the Crown. But topography is only one of the features treated. Responding to modern needs and tastes, the literary investi- gators devote their attention to every important phase of life, bringing to the elucidation of the subjects treated the powerful aid of the latest and best methods of pictorial illustration. Thus a work is compiled which is not only of solid and enduring value for purposes of reference and for practical business objects, but is of unique interest to all who are interested in the development of the Empire.
In all essential features the present volume follows closely upon the lines of the earlier works on Western Australia, Natal, Ceylon, and British Malaya, and deals fully with the history, administration, population, commerce, industries, and potentialities of the territories to which it relates. In one respect, however, it differs from its predecessors, for, while they have been devoted exclusively to British Colonies, this book, as its title indicates, deals also with settlements which are only partially British. But there is ample excuse, if excuse he needed, for this departure from precedent. More than one half the imports and exports of China passes through the various Treaty Ports, and it would have been a negation of one of the avowed objects of these publications if no attempt had been made to show the present-day tendency of this trade and how the proportion borne by the British Empire compares with that of its competitors. Nor must it be forgotten thai Canton, Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo, and Shanghai, the first five ports in China to which foreign merchandise was admitted without hindrance or interference, were thrown open in 1842 as the direct result of British influence, which was also responsible in i8_=;8 for the extension of this privilege
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PKEFACE.
to N*trckmamg, Ckefoo, Tatwan (Fonuosa), Svalow, Hainan, and three ports on the Yangtsze-k'iang. Tliough the British Consuls have long ceased to be the only mediums of communication between foreigners and the local Chinese authorities, British interests are still very powerful, and in some cases the British communities are self-governing.
Although tkt whole of the Treaty Ports, numbering upwards of forty, hare not been dealt with separately, the most important have been selected, and they are sufficient for our purpose since tliey receive the kulh <^ the trade of the minor ports. This is especially true of Canton in its relation to the other Treaty Ports on the West River, and of Shanghai in relation to some of the smaller ports lying along tkt banks of the Yangtsze-Kiang.
The wide distances which divide the ports, and the peculiar conditions zcliich prevail in them have rendered Ike task of the compilers one of no little difficulty. The foreign settlements are occupied by representatives of different nationalities answerable to their own Consuls, subject to the laws of their own countries, and, in many instances, organised into independent local governing communities, so that, though tkty form collectively one homogeneous whole, they are, in actual fact, a congeries of separate and distinct units. But neitker trouble nor expense has been spared in the attempt to cover the ground adequately and secure full and tiustworihy information in a'crx direction. As in previous works, the services of acknowledged experts have been enlisted wherever possible. The historical sections have been written from original materials preserved at the India Office, the British Museum, and other national institutions. In Hongkong much valued assistance has been freely rendered by the heads of the various Government depart- ments, and the Editor is especially indebted to H.E. Sir F. J. D. Lugard, K.C.M.G., C.B.. D.S.O., the Goremor, and Ike Hon. Mr. F. H. May, C.M.G., the Colonial Secretary, who have given all the encourage- ment that lay in their power to the enterprise. In Shanghai the Municipal Aiithorilics have shown every courtesy, and in the various Treaty Ports the British Consular Officers, the Customs Officers, and the Municipal Secretaries, have placed the compilers under an obligation which is gratefully acknowledged.
Otrviously a work of this magnitude cannot be produced except at very considerable cost. As the publisliers do not ask for any Government subsidy, because of the restrictions which it might impose uptm them, this cost has to be met in part by receipts from the sale of copies and in part by revenue from Ike insertion of commercial photographs. The publishers venture to think that this fact furnishes no ground for adverse criticism. The piinciple is that adopted by the highest class of newspapers and magazines all oi'er the world. Moreover, it is claimed that these photographs add to, rather than detract from, the value of the book. They serve to show the manifold interests of the country, and, u-ilk Ike accompanying descriptive letterpress, which is independently written by members of the staff from personal observation, they constitute a picturesque and useful feature that is not without interest to the general reader and student of economics, while it is of undoubted value to business men throughout the British Empire.
AUCL'ST, 1908.
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CONTENTS.
HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, AND OTHER TREATY PORTS— i'aok
Early History and Uevklopme.nt. By Arnold Wright 13
HONGKONG- CONSTITUTION AND Law —
The Local Legislature 99
The Courts loi
The Laws. By C. D. Wilkinson 102
EXECLTIVE AND LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS 105
Finance. By The Hon. Mr. A. M. Thomson, Coloiiinl Treasurer 113
Education. By G. H. B.ateson Wright, D.D. (Oxon.), Headmaster of Queen's College,
Hongkoiif^ 121
Public Works. By The Hon. Mr. W. Chatham, C.M.G., Director of Public Works . 129
Posts, Cables, and Telephones '33
Flora. By S. T. DuxN, B.A., F.L.S., J. P., Snperinteiidcut of the Botaiiicnl and Forestry
Department, Hoiiiikong 135
Fauna —
General. By J. C. Kershaw, Autlior of " Butterflies of Hongkong" ... 138
Butterflies. By J. C. Kershaw i39
Birds. By Staff-Surgeon Kenneth H. Jones, K.\ 141
Hongkong (Descriptive). By H. A. Cartwright i45
The Sanitary Board. By A. Shelton Hooper ....... 157
Harbour and Shipping. By Commander Basil Taylor, R.X., Harbour Master . . 188
Hongkong Industries 235
Sport, By J. W. Bains, Sports Editor of the " China Mail " 250
Health and Hospitals. By The Hon. Dr. J. M. Atkinson, Principal Civil Medical
Officer 262
Police. Prisons, and Fire Brigade. By Captain F. W. Lyons, Acting Captain- Superintendent of Police, Hongkong 266
Navy, Ar.my, and Volunteers 272
The Hongkong Volunteer Corps. By Major Chapman, Commandant . . 274
The Foreign Trade of China 278
The Chinese Imperial Maritime Custo.ms 282
The Currency of China 288
The Silk Industry 290
Tea. By H. T. Wade • . . . . 294
Cotton. By James Kerfoot, M.I.M.E 302
The Flora of China 304
Ceremonies and Customs of the Chinese. By S. W. Tso 307
Chinese Characters. By James B. Wong, B.A 319
Ecclesiastical —
The Roman Catholic Church. By Father J. de Moidrey, S.J. ... 321
The Anglican Communion. By The Ven. Archdeacon Banister . . . 326
Protestant Missions in China. By The Rev. J. Steele, B.A 332
The Ancient Faiths of the Chinese. By The Rev. T. W. Pearce . . 337
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CONTENTvS.
SIK.1AL LlFK
Thk Pkkss. By W. H. Doxai.k. Editor of the "China Mail " . SHANOHAI-
DksCKIKTION (IK THK SETTI.KMKNT. Hy H. A. CAKTWKUiHT
Local Goverxsiknt and Law. By H. A. Cartwright Police. By K. J. McEiKX. Deputy Superintendent of Police
voli'xtekrs
Shanc-.mai Fire Bri<;adk
PiBi.ic Works. Supplied by the Pihlic Works Department Health axd Hosi"Itaij>. By Arthur Stanley, M.D.. B.S.Lond., D.P.H
KiSASCK axii Baxkim;
Shippixu. Commerce, and Ci'stoms
Education
Posts, Cable.s. and Telephones
Sport. By W. R. Parkin
Meteorology —
HoNOKoNu. By K. G. Figg, Director of the Hongkong Observatory
, Health Officer
Foochow
Chinese WEKiHTs, Measures, and Money.
CoxcLfDiNG Note
Index
Observatory
Shanghai. By The Rev. Father Froc, Director of Siccawei
Leading Re,sidents of Shanghai
Prominent Chine.se Residents
Industries
The Foreign Commercial Community
The Oriental Commercial Community
The Railways of China
Mixes axd Mixkraus in Manchuria. By Reginald Bate, K.K.G.S
IXFORMATIOX FOR TolKISTS
TREATY PORTS AND OTHER FOREIGN SETTLEMENTS—
Hankow
Tiextsix
Pekix<:
Xkwchwaxg. By Regixai.d Bate, K.R.G.S
Chefoo
NiNGPO
Weihaiwei
Naxkin<:
Canton. By H. A. Cartwright
Macau. By Pedro Nolasco da Sii.va
The Lappa Customs. By A. H. Wilzer, Commissioner of Customs
TSISGTAU
Amov. By Cecil A. V. Bowra, Commissioner of Customs SWATOW
.141 Mi
368
399
409
4'.S 429
432
434 43« 4.S2 484 490 498
509 512 516 525 573 602 662 666 682 683
692 724 755 763 767
772 773 778 782 798 805 810
«'3 829
837 841 842 843
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CiDcntletD Ccnturp Impressions or 1>oiidkoiid, SbangDai, and otber Creatp Ports :
THEIR EARLY HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT.
By Arnold Wright.
CHAPTER I.
Early European Trade with China — The Portuguese at Macao — Efforts of EngHsh to Open Trade- EstabHshment of Enghsh Factory in Japan — The English and the Dutch in China.
JN the history of European Com- merce there is no more interesting, and, in its influ- ence on international events, no more important chapter than that which relates to the opening of the Chinese Empire to British trade. The long drawn out struggle which in its earliest stage culmi- nated in the Treaty of Nanking was something more than a contest for the right to barter. It was a fight between two opposite, and to a very large extent antagonistic, systems of civilisation. On the one hand was the East, self-contained, self-absorbed, living its narrow life in beatific indifference to, if not positive ignorance of, the remainder of the world. What it did not know was not knowledge ; those who were outside its pale were bar- barians ; its rulers were the rulers of all things mundane and of some things celestial. On the other side was the West, bustling, aggressive, sometimes arrogant, confident in itself and conscious of its power, infused with a spirit of progress which gained ad- ditional impetus as every new discovery of science furnished it with fresh weapons to use to batter down the wall which racial prejudice and exclusiveness had reared up against it. That one misunderstood the other — was indeed profoundly ignorant of the motives which were the mainsprings of the otiier's action — added intensity to the battle. To the official Chinese the efforts of the Euro- pean to make his foothold good on the soil
of China were an unwarrantable intrusion on the part of a visitor with many objectionable characteristics. As for the European, and especially the Britisher, he could see in the determined measures to keep him at arm's length — a suppliant and humble guest without the gate — only the bigoted manifestations of a diseased egotism added to a crass and viru- lent congenital dislike of the foreigner. And so the conflict went on until the door was violently forced from without and the breath of a new commerci.il life was breathed into China. Then the giant stirred, but it was only the stretching of the sleeper before the full awakening. Another half-century or more was to pass and China was to see in blacker outline the shadow of irretrievable disaster before the lessons of the West were received, and even then her acceptance was only partial and hesitating. It remained for the cataclysm of the Russo-Japanese War to drive home at last the moral taught, if China could only have realised it by the first European ship that visited her shores, that China was not the world and that if she would preserve her independence and her self-respect she must avail herself of the advantages of Western civilisation, not the least of which are those which pertain to an uninterrupted commerce. When Albuquerque and his men descended, as Sir George Birdwood picluresquely puts it, "like a pack of hungry wolves" upon an astonished Eastern world, tliey found trade flowing in tranquil fashion in channels which had been used for ages. Vessels hugging
the shore made their way from the Chinese coast to Singhapura or to some other port in the straits, from whence their cargoes were carried by Arab craft to India and Persia. Overland the rich fabrics and spices of the East were transmitted to the Levant for dis- tribution to the more populous centres of Europe. The trade was a strictly Oriental one. An occasional European traveller, like Marco Polo, found his way into the interior of China and even over portions of the sea route ; but it had not entered into the calcu- lations of the most imaginative that from beyond the sea would come in great ships bodies of men of this strange white race whose existence was a mere shadowy myth to the great mass of the population. With wonder, therefore, not unmingled with awe, the stran- gers were received at the places at which they touched. In the case of the Chinese a feeling of superstitious dread tinged the lively apprehensions which the appeaiance of the Portuguese barques in the China Sea excited. From immemorial times had come down a tradition that the Chinese Empire would one day be conquered by a fair-haired grey-eyed race. The legend pointed to the advent of the conquerors in the north, but there was suflicient identity between the story and the actual facts of the mysterious appearance of the strangers from the beyond to give potency to fears which, perhaps, were never absent from the minds of the ruling classes of China owing to the enormous stretch of frontier and the difficulties of maintaining
14 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
(Fraai a pciDi ia Or Goj-tf- and De Keyicr't account of the Dutch Embassy to China in 1655.)
onier inberent in the vastness of the empire. It is a motA point whether it was not the faiBuencc of this natiiMial myth which dictated the policy of etcluson so stubtxtrnly enfor- ced ajtiinst Kuropcaiis (or three and a half ccntnncs. Old writers, tike the authors of tbe actxmnl of the Dutch Embassy to China in 1655, are inclined to adopt this view, and it is one which is in complete harmony with tbe altitude conxixtetitly a^sumed from the nwaicnt that European ship* wire seen in Cbincae waters. Ihe first reception of the Portogoese when they appeared off the Canton River in 1516 wa<, however, not entirely Dafnendly. The fleet was one despatched from Malacca by Albuquerque and com- manded by a l»ld and adventurous sailor named Pcreiirclto. The ships returned to Malacca witboid entering the Canton Kiver,
but Perestrello had seen enough to enable him to report very favourably on tlie prospects of trade. Stimulated by the prospect of obtain- inj; entrance to a new and pro<luctive market the Portuguese Viceroy the next year sent a squadron of eight vessels under the command of Perez de Andrade. In due course the ships reached the Chinese coast, and without hesitation de Andrade directed a course past the islands and up the river. Great was the alarm of the Chinese at the appearance of these strange ships, so strikingly different in form from those with which they were familiar. Fearing an invasion the authorities promptly surrounded the intruding ships by war junks. De Andrade protested his peaceful intentions, and eventually, after considerable argument, persuaded the authorities to allow him to take two of his ships up the river to
Canton. At Canton de Andrade had an audience with the Viceroy, and was successful in extracting from him permission to Uade. His satisfaction at this excellent stroke of business was somewhat moditied when news reached him, as it did at about the time that the negotiations were completed, that the vessels he had left at the mouth of the river had been heavily attacked by piiates. The damage, however, does not appear to have . been fatal to the objects of de Andradc's mission. Several of his vessels returned to Malacca witli cargoes, and tlie remainder sailed wilh some junks belonging to tlie Loo Choo Islands for Ningyio, on the east coast of China, and there established a colony. The //i</ II Uric thus secured was turned to good advantage in succeeding years, and a most prolitable trade was built up. But the gieed and cruelty of the Portuguese here as else- where raised up a violent prejudice against them. So it happened tliat when an embassy was despatched by the Portuguese Govern- ment to Peking in 1520, the Ambassador, one Perez, was treated very contumelioiisly. He was sent back practically a prisoner to Canton, and was there robbed of his property, thrust into prison, and finally, it is supposed, put to death, for his real (ate was never actually known. Meanwhile the Portuguese had been expelled by imperial decree from Ningpo, and they were prohibited from all trade. Their star seemed to have set as rapidly as it had risen. 'Ihe early Portuguese explorers were, however, not men to be easily rebuffed. In the succeeding years they maintained resolutely their efforts to secure a lodgment in China. At length fortune once more smiled upon them. A service rendered to the Chinese Government by the extirpation of a formidable pirate fleet secured for them as a reward rights of occupation at Macao, one of the group of islands lying off the mouth of the Canton River. Their earliest settlement there dates back to 1537. It was a mere collection nf Imts for drying goods which were introduced under the name of tribute, but by the middle of the sixteenth century out of tliese small beginnings a town of considerable size had developed. The trade of the port flourished apace under the interested patronage of the Mandarins, who found in the commerce of tlie adventurers a new and lucrative source of income. Imperishably associated with the history of Macao at this period is the name of Camoens, the great national writer of the Portuguese. It was here that the poet com- posed the greater part of " The Lusiad " the famous Portuguese epic which has stirred the hearts and fired the imaginations of so many generations of Portuguese. Camoens' period of residence at Macao extended from 1553 to 1569. On his returning to Europe from China he was wrecked off the coast of Cambodia, and escaped to shore on a plank, tradition says, with the MS. of his precious poem carried in his hand. Macao, though long since sunk into a condition of commercial decrepitude and moral decay, will ever enjoy the reflected lustre of Camoens' great name.
The Spaniards, following in the track of the Portuguese, established themselves in the Manilas and at various other points in the Chinese seas. For the best part of a century the two races had a monopoly of the trade of the Far East. The defeat of the Spanish Armada gave Europe its first great lesson in the value of sea power, for with the destruc- tion of many of the great Spanish galleons in the English Channel and the wrecking of others off the Scotch and Irish coasts, the way was opened to the Far East for other nations. The Dutch were the first to take advantage of the opportunity presented. Towards the close
AN ANCIENT MAP OF CHINA.
(From an old manuscript of the date lOoy, preserved in the Manuscript Room at the British Museum.)
16 TWENTIETH CENTIHY IMPRESSIONS OF HONUKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
ot Ibe aiitecuth cenlurv Ihey sent out several fleet* «rilh the object m csiaMi-hing a trade with the Far Eart. The initial English ven- torc was maiie in I5</'. when Sir K. Dudley and ottiert fitted out three ships with the
the Chcneses to bringe thereof thither, both while soweiiig silke, twisted of all sorts and sizes, as also rawe and sleave silke ; of all which we have gcven Mr. Heeling examples : the which silke yf you can p'cure to be
V ,• '■.:^:^^m
AN ANCIENT HAP OF MACAO. (Krocn % nuui»cnpt in the SIo;inc Collcctiini :it the llritish Museum.)
intention of trading to China. 'Wood, the com- inandcr, tMxe with him a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Emperor of China. With the expedition also went the warm wishes of the commercial community whose hopes of calaMishing a trade had been raised to a high level in consequence of the reports which bad come in of the riches of the Eastern world. The enterprise, however, ended in diaatter. Not a soul of the company which embarked ever relumed to i^ngland to give an account of the rest. Nothing fuiiher was attempted in the direction of opening up the China trade until Sir James Lancaster's suc- oesiful voyages to the Straits of Malacca, and tbe sotMcqucnt establishment there of factories of llic newly constituted East India Company turned the thoughts of Ixmdon merchants once more towards those rich markets of the Far East which the Portuguese and the Spaniards had hitherto monopolised and which the Dutch were now seriously attack- ing. The first direct reference to the China trade in the records of the East India Com- pany is to be found in the year 1606. On Ibe occanon of sending out three ships to tbe Eastern factories Ihe Court issued instruc- tions to "General" Heeling, Ihe commander ol the little squadron, directing him to culti- vate a trade with the Chinese. " It is to be remembered," sai<l the direclorate, " thai uui Factors alt Bantam doe their best endevors 10 p'core the Chineses lo bring from Cheney ticave and sowing silks, that we may fall into some trade with Ihem ; and see yf they can sell any r>f our English cloth to them that they may be hroaghl lo the use thereof." At the same lime Ihe Court wrote lo the /acton at Bantam desiring them to send home particular accounts of all goods ven- dible, or to be procured, and directed that •yf Cheney silks are ihA llicare (in Bantam) presentKe to be had, that then you advise
brought thither att reasonable prices we sup- pose some good profiitt inay be had thereby : of all which you have hitherto left us ignorant ; whereby we must conceive you to be either unskillful in merchandising or unwilling to
gress in the Eastern trade and were reaping rich profits at home from the products brought by their ships from the Far East. However that may be, that the niamifacturos of China met with great favour in the Eng- lish markets at this period is very evident from these additional instructions given in 160Q to the Bantam factors : "The silk called I-ankin (N.inking) is here (in London) well requested : therefore, we pray you use yonr best endeavours to put off our English cloth lor that commodity, whereto as it stenieth by Robert Brown's (second at Bantam) letters, the Chineses were willing and desirous, if you had been furnished with any ; which givelh us good hope that these people will tall to wear our cloth, so as we shall find good bent for the same hereafter ; and have better means to maintain an ample trade there ; lor the better procuring whereof we have now and will hereafter send such cloth as shall be true both in substance and colour, and so you may assure them." In 1613-14 we lind the Court in despatching four sliips to Sural issuing instructions to the Company's agent at Agra to " discover the trade of Tartary." He was told to find out " what English cloth may be there vended ; at what distance the Towns of Trade are situate ; how the passages thither lie, and whether secure or dangerous." The writer added, "The Court conceive that much good might be done in vending our cloth in that cold country Tartary, were it well discovered." In this year the several transactions of the Company were united in one joint stock, and it was intimated that on this basis the Com- pany intended to build an enlarged system of commercial enterprise. Bantam factors on being informed of the change were enjoined to make vigorous efforts to extend the Com- pany's trade, particularly to Japan and China. Meanwhile, the Court asked the assistance of their agents in a matter of some importance affecting the silk trade. Difficulty was found in unwinding the Canton cross-reeled silk.
THE OKOTTO OF
(From :u)
p'forni thai for which we keepe you theare." The asperity of the last remark is probably lo be accounted for by the fact that the Dutch at this time were making considerable pro-
CAMOENS, MACAO.
and it was suggested that one or two of the Chinese or Japanese should be induced to visit England to give instruction in the matter "in order to bring the Canton silk into
TWENTIETH CENTITEY IMPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 17
esteem and piice at home." What was the outcome of this suggestion does not appear, but it may be assumed from an entry in tlie Court minutes which we find a little later that the early enthusiasm for the silk trade was somewhat damped by the discovery that there were tricks of the trade in China. "On account of the deceit that is used by the Chinese in their silks," the minutes recorded, " it is proposed in Court to advise Bantam that no more be brought except only raw silks, and such other as be ascertained to be very good ; also to forbear the buying of sundry drugs, which prove rotten and naught, especially China roots and rhubarb." The instructions actually given to the factor at Bantam, who was proceeding eastward from thence to trade, were : " Buy no blacks of any kind of damasks or taffaties but only coloured : the colours to be grass green, vvatchet, blue, crimson, and carnation. Take also white, especially satins. As to raw silk it is not good to bring the Canton cross- reeled sort. But if you could obtain any ready thrown according to the sample, so as to afford it to be sold in England at a mark or 14s. per lb. souie good may be done. Give orders that it be first spun single and then twisted two threads together. Let such as be made up in skains be but one thread together."
At about this period a development of the Company's enterprise in the Far East resulted in the forging of the tirst link which connected Great Britain with Japan. The association was brought about in a somewhat romantic fashion. William Adams, a Kent man, who in early life was apprenticed to a Limehouse pilot, inflamed by stories of the wealth of the Indies, in 1598 took service in a Dutch vessel, one of a fleet bound for the Far East. Arrived off the coast of Japan after an adven- turous voyage the ship in which Adams was employed was boarded by Japanese, and he and the other members of the crew were virtually made prisoners. They were, how- ever, kindly treated, and Adams subsequently found great favour with the Emperor, who took him into his service and liestowed a manor upon him for his maintenance. In 161 1 Adams heard accidentally from the Dutch, who had by this time established a good trade with Japan, that the English had formed an establishment at Bantam. Overjoyed at the discovery of the comparative proximity of his countrymen, Adams addressed a long letter to the Company's agent in the Straits strongly urging him to send ships to open up a commercial connection with Japan. In his communication he furnished valuable de- tails as to the character of the Japanese and the prospects of trade with their country. He added : " Could our English merchants, after settling in Japan, procure trade with the Chinese, then shall our country make great profit here, and the Company will not need to have to send money out of England ; for in Japan there are gold and silver in abundance, and therefore by the traffic here they will take in exchange money enough for their invest- ments in the Indies." The hint conveyed in this historic epistle did not fall on deaf ears. The Company, eager to extend their field of enterprise in so promising a direction, in 1613 sent out Captain Saris with the title of " Company's General " to open up a trade with Japan. Captain Saris was met on his arrival at Firando on June 12th in that year by Adams. Almost immediately the two repaired to the capital where they delivered to the i^mperor a letter from James I. which Captain Saris had brought with him. The monarch, influenced by his regard for Adams, lent a favourable ear to the proposals made by
the Company's agent, and formal permission was accorded to the establishment of English factories at Firando and other places, Adams in his letter to Bantam expressed a decided opinion against Firando and a preference for some port on the east coast nearer the capital. But for some reason or other, pro- bably because objections were raised to an establishment in this locality, the English headquarters were fixed at Firando. For several years a trade was prosecuted from this point by the Company's factors with Adams as a valuable supernumerary. But the enterprise never realised the high expecta- tions entertained of it. Commercially the times were somewhat out of joint ; the Dutch opposition and rivalry also were very for- midable. Moreover, as was explained in a letter of the year 1615, profits were "eaten up by great presents and charges which the country of Japan requires, although there are no customs to be paid." Adams' death, which occurred on May 16, 1620, put the final seal on the Company's failure. The factory lingered on until 1623 and the estab-
CAMOENS, THE PORTUGUESE POET.
lishment viras then withdrawn. Nor, in spite of persistent and repeated efforts was a direct connection again formed until the lapse of more than two centuries.
While the Company was prosecuting the operations in Japan an opportunity offered and was availed of to attempt to open a trade with China. The inteimediaries in the busi- ness were three influential Chinese merchants with whom business had been done at Nagasaki. In a letter from Robert Cock, the factor at Firando, to the Company written on November 25, 1614, we have an outline of the proposals. Keterring to the negotia- tors he writes: "The spot which they point out as desirable for the seat of a factory is an island near to the City of Languin ; to which place we sale from Firando, if the wind be fair, in three or four days. Our demand is for three or four ships to come and go and to leave only factors sufficient to do the business. If we can procure this I doubt not but in a short time we may get into the mainland itself ; for as the Chinese tell me their Emperor is come to the know- ledge how the Emperor of Japan has received
us and what huge privileges he has granted us. But the Hollanders are ill spoken of on each part by means of their continual robbing and pilfering the junks of China : the odium of which they at first put upon Englishmen, but now it is known to the contrary." In another letter of a somewhat later date to the Company's agent at Bantam some additional details are given with an injunction to "use all Chynas kindly," and to ask other Englishmen to do the like, "for," says the sanguine factor, "my hope is great since the Chynas doe complain much of the Hollanders for robinge or pilferinge of their junckes." In subsequent correspondence we catch vivid glimpses of the progress of the negotiations. Now we find an entry recording a payment for two girdles of silk as a present to the " China Captain's daughter." Next is a letter from Andreas Dittis, " the China Captain," reporting that he had great hopes of a suc- cessful issue to his mission "for that the greate men had taken 3,000 pezes (pieces of eight dollars) presented to them to make way" and warning his English friends not to let it be known that they came from Japan " because the Chinese were more averse to the Japanese than any other nation." Again, we have this quaint extract from Robert Cock's diary throwing some interesting side lights on the business ; " I gave my peare (pair of) knives to the China Captain to send to his brother (or rather kinsman) in China upon hope (of) trade. As also he had 4 Looking Glasses for same purpose bought of Dutch, and 4 pss. (pieces) Chowders of 20 Rs. p. corg with Knyves ; and is thought fit to geve 50 Rs. 8 to the man which carrieth the letter to pay his charge per way, and to sende a greate gould ring of myne with a whyte amatist in it, cost me 5 lb. str. in France ; this ring to be sent to one of these two men named Titcham Shofno, an euenecke. God grant all may com to good effect ! Amen, Amen."
The piously expressed wishes of Ihe good factor were not destined to be realised. Civil disturbances i[i China, forerunners of the downfall of the Ming dynasty, delayed the business. The high-handed action of the Dutch in slopping and robbing Chinese junks also, and probably to a larger extent, inter- posed obstacles, for the authorities were naturally irate at the outrages, and owing to the lying stories put about by the Dutch were disposed to associate the English with them. The Company's agents in the matter, however, continued to push the request for facilities for trade vigorously. In 1616-17 the factor at Firando reported home that the affair was pursued so hotly that " the Emperor of China has sent spies into all ports where the Spaniards, Portuguese, Hollanders, and we have trade, to observe how the Europeans behave one toward the other, and also how we (the English) behave towards strangers, especially towards the Chinese." " Some of these investigators," he added, " have been in this place (Firando) and were brought by our Chinese friends to the English House, where I used them in the best manner I could, as I have recommended to Bantam, Patania, and Syam to do the like to all Chinese." The factor was very anxious that suitable presents should be sent to the Emperor of China, and particularly indicated a coral tree as a gift which would be acceptable, a similar souvenir presented many years before by the Portuguese being esteemed by the Emperor "one of his most precious jewels." Before this the Com- pany had thoughtfully sent out for use in the negotiation two letters from James I. to the Emperor. One was amicable in tone, but the other was somewhat " stricter " in terms, and
18 TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
it was giTcn by the autlK>rities at Bantam to Iheir " linguists " to interpret they intuiuUed that they dare not for their lives mmftate ibe bold nn^^ive. Dittis and his brother iiegoliator<, when the con)nmnicati<ins were f«rt before ihein, undertook to translate ihcin and also forward them by a certain agency. But they suggested that the one ooMched in a threatening tone should not be teal "for that xiolence would avail nothing." They further urged that they should " proceed in Ibe negotiation in a pacilic manner and trust Id the character which the English had of late aoqnired o( being a ' peaceable |>eoplc.' " How br this shrewd advice was entertained we I DO means of knowing, but there is little to think that James' peppery periods ' oAendcd the august imperial eye. What- may have ticen done in that m.itter the xc against the success of the nego- Tbe a0air dragged on for several yean and was only brought to a close when the Firando factory was vacated in 1623. From first to last the negotiations cost the Company a great deal of money. Dittis alone is represented to have disbursed 13,000 taels.
As has been iitdicated the unjust implication of the English in the piratical transactions of tlie Dutch had a very injurious influence on the coarse ol the negotLitions for a trade with China. That prejudiced feeling was intensified wlicn. as happened in 1619, the English en- tered into a treaty of defence and alliance with the Dutch. This arrangement was ostensibly designed to further the interests of both ooanlries, their forces being joined in a " joint endeaTonr," to use the words of a clause of the treaty, " to open and establish free com- merce in China and other places of the Indies by soch ways and means as the Common Council shall find expedient." But in practice the Hollanders turned the arrangement to their exclusive advantage. They used the English when it suited them to do so, dragging the English ships into a blockade which they instituted against the Chinese junks proceeding to the Manilas, and in other ways com- promising the English name with the Chinese. Hut when equal tacilitics were claimed at the ports occupied by the Dutch the demand was emphatically declined. Ultimalcly the ill- anorted union came to an end as it was bound to do. A tragic outcome of it was the massacre of Amiioyna, an epis<ide which left a deep itain on the English name until it was wiped out by Cromwell. Another consc- quciKx which flowed from the connection was the creation in the minds of the Chinese and the Japanese authorities of a strong diatmst of the English. It is difficult to say to what extent this leeling influenced the coarse of events, but there is little room for qoestion that it militated very seriously against English interests for a long series of years. We may gather some notion of the prejudice eieited from the successive despatches of the Company's agents whose writings became iacreuingly doleful as the time went on and Ibe comequenccs of the alliance were more dearly revealed. Thus, Richard Cfxrk, the (actor at Kirando, in 162 1 wrote to the Company's agents at Batavia in these terms : " Goorockdono, the Governor of Nangasaque (Hagasaki), with all the merchants of that place, Meaco and Kddo, taketh the Spaniards' and Portugals' parts against us, giving the Emperor to understand that Ivjth we and the HoUanders are pirates and thieves and live upon nothing but the tpoil of the Chinese and others ; which is the utter overthrow of Ibe trade with Japan, no one daring to come bilber for fear (A us. By which reports the finpcrar and his Council are much moved a. The King of Kirando, who has
married the Emperor's kinswoman, is now our only slay." He added : " The Hollanders arc generally hated throughout all the Indies, and we much the worse thought of since we joined them."
After the rupture with the Dutch the Eng- lish for some years confined their operations largely to the Indian trade. But tlicy con- tinued to cast longing eyes in the direction of China and Japan. The Dutch, who had early in the struggle with the Chinese seized and fortified a position in the Pescadores, were able to establish in course of time an indirect trade with China by way of Tywan in Formosa. This did not escape the notice of the English factors at Batavia. Writing home they furnished particulars of the Hollanders' operations, and at the same time painted a glowing picture of the prospects offered in this direction. " The trade of China now likely to settle at Tywan," they stated with a curious mixture of metaphors, "is as an ixean to devour more than all Europe can minister ; wrought and raw silk
" Those clothes which now they wear is silk, in Summer seasons passable, but in the Winter are enforced to bombast or to wear ten coats one over the otlier, and that is useful. Silk being thus their clothing and all growing in China, a stop of that intercourse were so material that silk in China in one year would be as dust or dung and Japan beggard for want of clothing."
" iiut such stop of intercourse and devised extremity needeth not ; for the natural enmity between those two nations hath so framed all for our purpose, that could Japan be furnished with any other clothing, not one Chinese durst peep into their country ; which the Chinese well know ; therefore, though tolerated by Japan, yet none conieth but by stealth, which would cost their lives if known to their governors in China."
The Dutch at this time were sharply antagonistic to the English at all points where their interests touched. They resented the action of their rivals in witlulrawing from the treaty of defence, professing to look upon it
THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA. (From ail ancieiU map in the Slnaiu* Collection at the IJritish Mnscum.)
in abundance and many necessary com- modities that all parts of India must have. These arc to be purchased with the pepper, spice, and sandal wood of these paits at prices as we please ; also with the silver of Japan springing from the said silk of China, and by all probability with every sort of European commodities, especially woollen cloth, for the greatest part of the Chinese Empire stretcheth into the cold climate and is defended with infinite troops of soldiers whose necessities do require more than we can guess at until experimented." In another communication the advantages of Far Eastern trade were further expounded. " For these mighty monarchies Japan and China abound- ing with riches and also civilised peaceably to res|x>nd with all ; but in a climate requir- ing that which neither themselves nor their neighbours enjoy or can be supplied but by the English which is clothings answerablc to the magnificence of these nations, defen- sible against the cold and convenient for their employments in travel, wars and weather."
as a gross breach of faith towards themselves. Their dominant feeling, however, was one of jealous apprehension lest the English should sectire a foothold in a domain which they had marked out for their own special exploi- tation. This policy of excUisiveness was pursued with a persistency which could not fail to leave its marks on English trade at a period when the country's influence was not at a particularly high level in Europe. Still, the English factors at Batavia weie by no means disposed to leave the Dutch with a free hand in the Var East. In 1627 the Presidency at Batavia sent home a long despatch strongly urging the desirability of making another attempt to open up trade with China. They wrote : —
" Concerning the trade of China three things are especially made known to the world."
" The one is the abundant trade it affordeth ; the second is that they admit no stranger into their country ; the third is that trade is as life unto the vulgar, which in remote
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPliESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 19
parts they will seek and accommodate with hazard of all they have."
" In these three considerations it is easily conceived how and where intercourse with that nation is to he expected ; for it requireth no more care than to plant in some convenient place whither they may come and then to give them knowledge that you are planted."
" This condemneth the Dutch their long- continued roaniings upon the coast of China ; where, after much cliarge and trouble, they saw their folly, and planted upon P'ormosa ; a place not inconvenient in respect of nearness, but a barred harbour, an open road and inconvenient for shipping. Yet should we shew ourselves to trade there with the Dutch it shall be guarded with those difticulties and infinite charges as if it were a diamond mine."
" This hath occasioned us to be inquisitive concerning that commerce, how with most
conveniency it may be accomplished ; and so by conference with chiefs of those ports, especially with Naukadas (captains of native craft) lately come from China, we under- stand that none of their nation is publicly tolerated for foreign trade — only some pro- portioned to trade with the King of Siam ; but for Cochin China he that will, and with what they please. All other trades are unlawful ; and whosoever attempteth, doth it with the danger of his life, be it for the Manillas, Japan, Formosa, Java, or where- soever."
The Presidency then go on to observe that if hereafter they might have free trade with the Dutch at Formosa they would deliberate whether to use it or not ; " for the aforesaid Naukadas persuade them rather to .settle upon Cochin China, which is connected with the main of China, but seven days' journey from
Chin-Chew ; and there is free intercourse both by sea and land between these nations, as they are indeed both one ; for Cochin China was a kind of tributary to the great Emperor, but of late is free."
"The said Naukadas rejoicing at our motion profess that if we will settle in these parts Ihey will beat their gongs in China when they hear of our coming and we shall want no trade, nor whatsoever we can desire. Further they importuned the President's kins- man to go with them to see all the accom- modation of China (Cochin China), promising to return him in safety, and to leave as a pledge for his return his own brother and son."
The Presidency of Batavia adds that on their own parts they would willingly embrace this motion, did they know the inclination of the Court to coincide.
CHAPTER II.
The English Ship " London " visits China — Captain Weddell's Voyage to Canton — The Tartar Invasion of China and its Effect on Foreign Trade — Opening of Factories at Formosa and Tonkin — Trade Relations with Amoy.
No direct steps appear to have been taken at the time to carry out the recoinmendations of the Batavia Presidency, set out in the foregoing chapter. The next important move was deferred until 1635 when, following upon the conclusion of peace with the Portuguese, the Company's agents at Surat, at the invita- tion of the Viceroy of Goa, despatched the ship London to China. The venture was avowedly an experiment, and it does not appear to have been a brilliant success. Macao was visited, and the vessel remained some time there to the dissatisfaction of the Portuguese, who, apart from a feeling of trade jealousy, were influenced by a fear of the displeasure of the Chinese. They after- wards represented that they were made to pay a smart fine for opening their port to the London, and very possibly it was so for the Chinese oft'icialdom was not likely to let slip so favourable an opportunity of making money. The year following the London's voyage witnessed a far more ambitious attempt to establish commercial relations with China. The enterprise was fathered, not by the East India Company, but by a private organisa- tion known as Courten's Association. A fleet consisting of three small but well equipped ships — the Driiflon, the Sun, and the Kcithcrinc — and the pinnace Ann, were sent out under the command of Captain Weddell, an experi- enced navigator. Sailing from the Downs on April 14, 1636, the little squadron anchored of^ Macao on the 27th of June in the follow- ing year. The journal of the voyage slates that immediately after his arrival Weddell sent a boat ashore witli a letter he had in his possession from King Charles to the Portuguese Governor. The boat was met by the Captain General, "a mulatta of a most perverse and pevish condition, reported to have bin a tinker." The letter was duly delivered to the Governor and his Council, and the deputation was dismissed with the statement that a reply would be sent the next day. Afterwards the procurator of the city came on board and " began to unfould a tedious, lamentable discourse (as false as prolix) of their miserable subjection to the
Chinese, which would be now (as he preten- ded) be much more by other 4 shipps arrivall, they haveing had experience by the shipp London's only being there which cost them a great fyne. Hee said wee knew not the good they intended us (wee believed yt) but there were two main obstacles w^h hin- dered them from expressing yt, viz., the non consent of the Chinese (w':h vvas meerely false), and the slender quantite of goods wth they might expect ys yeare from Can- ton for Japan, . . . but the mayne excuse was that wee brought noe letters recomen- datory from the Old Vice Roye of Goa (w'h would have done us as much good as nothing). In conclusion he told us that for matter of refreshinge yf we came neerer
(wch wee did) he would p'vide for us. And this he verry worshipfully and like a true Hebrew indeed p'formed : att 2 or 3 tymes the vallew on shore ; and to the end that none might cheate us but himselfe, there was a stride watch of boates placed about each shipp, not p'mitting so much as a poore fiisherman to supply us with the vallew of 6d."
Captain Weddell determined to see for him- self what the prospects of trade were, and accordingly despatched the pinnace Ann on a reconnoitring expedition to the Canton River. After two days' sailing they came in sight of the mouth of the river " being a verry orderlie inlet and utterly prohibited to the Portugalls by the Chineses, who doe not
ANCIENT VIEW OF MACAO. (From a print .^t the Britisli Museum. J
JO TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
villinely admitt any strangers to the view ot vt, tKuis >-c passage and secure harbour for their best jounckes h»th of warr and ■odiaaduc. So that the t'ortugall's trailick to Canton is only in small vessclls through
them as the inhabitants of Maccaw to exer- cise a free commerce tliere payinge duties as the others." Vy<on this the admiral became more affable and offered a small junk to take the parly up the river, on the understanding
KAOAO, FBOM THE FORTS OF HEANQ-SHAN. (Krom AUom & Wrinhfs "Cliina.")
diver* narrow shuald streiglites amongst many broken islands adjoyning to the mayne. To whom y' was noe small wonder that w'k out any pilolt or any the least hcipe of an intcrprctor our people should penetrate soe (far. And, indeed, yi hath caused dyvers of the best uiiderstandinge amongst them to make publique confession of their own erriHir in refuseinge to afford us reasonable libcrtic of trade at our first cominge to Maccaw, whereby wee were enforced to this attempt »•'•• they prognostically (prognos- licate) and wee hope truly will in a few >-cares bee the mine of their vain glorious pride and ostentacion ; yet hereby the honest dealing off our nacon contrary to their slanderous rep<jrts is apparently manifested and made knowne, as well to the principall GoTcrnours of y' Province as to the principall Merchants and all gortes of people."
On the I5lh the party in the pinnace (which included Messrs. Mouiiteney and Robinson, supercargoes) got a Chinese' boatman to con- duct them to Canton. Un the l6th Mounleney and Robinson went ashore with a flag of truce, were carried overland a league to the harbour ot Lampton "w«^t> is a station for their prime men of warr of the Kings armada as Chaltom is in England for his .Maii«-> shipps." On the ll«h, as they were going up the river, they •net the Chinese fleet coming down and were requested to anchor. This they did. At first the Chinese admiral "began somewhat roughly to czpoMolate," and demanded to know what had induced the English " to come thither and dlMOVCjed p'hibited and concealed pts. and pMnges of so great Prince's dominions.'" To Uiis Robinson replied "that they were oooie from a potent prince of Europe, who being in amitye wU" all his neighbours, desir'd likewise the friendshipp of ye greate King of China, and to that end had his order to treate of such capitulacons as might ""''h'ce to the good of both princes and •■b|eds bopeingc that it might be lawfull for
that the pinnace proceeded no further. The offer was accepted, and Messrs. Mounteney and Kobinson and Captain Carter, of the Ann, started the same night on their jouiiiey. When within live leagues of Canton they were met by a message from the authorities entreat-
acquiescence in this request the party returned in the Ann to Macao. Shortly afterwards a reply was received from the Portuguese Hatly declining to accord permission to trade. Upon this Captain Weddell summoned a coun- cil, and the matter having been "well pon- dered," and "the notorious treacheries of ye p'fidious Portugall's now plainly appeal inge" it was agreed that the whole Meet should, with all convenient speed, depart for Lampton. On July 31st the vessels set sail and arrived off the mouth of the river on August 6th. The Man- darins came on boaid and these promised to solicit for them at Canton the grant of a right to trade. For eight days the Hect waited for the permit, and then an incident occurred which precipitated matters. As one of the fleet's boats was endeavouring to find a watering place it was tired on from a "desolate castle" which had been hastily fortified by the Chinese owing to the slanders of the Portuguese. Weddell was not the man to sit quietly under an act of treachery of this description. Calling his ships to arms he ranged them in position near the castle and poured in a succession of broadsides. At the end of two hours boats were landed with a hundred men and the English flag was planted on the ramparts of the now abandoned position. The ordnance was brought on board, and the Council House, which formed a part of the port, was tired. Further retaliation was later resorted to in the capture of two junks, one laden with timber and the other with salt. After this overtures for peace were made by the Chinese. Ultimately Messrs. Mounteney and Kobinson proceeded to Can- ton, and on the l8th attended at the Viceroy's palace to present their petition to trade. They were received with great honours and their request was granted, the Mandarin blaming the treachery of the Portuguese for all the troubles that had arisen. The party returned from Canton " bringinge with them a ffirma or pattent for
ANCIENT VIEW (From a print in the
ing them to proceed no further and promising that influence should be used with the "subor- dinate Viceroy for Trade" to obtain permission to trade if they returned to Macao. Deeming that they would Ijcst serve their ends by
OF CANTON.
IJritish .Museum.)
ffree trade and liberty to fortifie upon any convenient (place) without the mouth of ye river." The Chinese ordnance was landed from the fleet and restored to them, and the pinnace was sent to discover some island
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 21
without the river which would be suitable for a settlement. On the 24th of August Messrs. MouiUeney and Hobinson went up the river with stock and presents, and after a delay of two days, attired in Chinese habits, were conveyed to lodgings in the suburbs of Canton. After paying 10,000 " rialls of eight " agreed upon for duties, they bought eighty tons of sugar besides bargaining for ginger, stuffs and other merchandise and provisions. The trade assumed such a pro- mising complexion that Mr. Robinson was despatched to the fleet for six additional chests of money, and twenty Chinese carpen- ters were employed in making chests to contain the sugar and sugar candy, which we are told by the diarist "costs lid. p. lb. and is as white as snow." Meanwhile, " the malicious treachery and base designes of the Portugalls slept not." They insidiously poi- soned the minds of the authorities against the English traders, and followed up their secret machinations with an open protest against any concession to the intruders. The outcome of these plottings was that Robinson and two other Englishmen who were accompanying him were arrested in the river on returning to Canton with the additional specie and stock. At about the same time an attack was made on the fleet by sending against it a number of lire junks. Fortunately this manoeuvre was detected in time and the junks were avoided.
The party at Canton were left in close confinement in their houses for several days. Eventually, on their threatening to fire the town, their guard was withdrawn. Meanwhile, Weddell, not hearing from the merchants, cruised with his vessels about the mouth of the river pillaging and burning. At last licence was given to the merchants to write, and they did so asking Weddell to forbear.
On the 61h of October the Cliumpein at Canton expressed a desire to Mounteney to taste some meat dressed after the English fashion, " whereupon they played the cookes and roasted certain henns &c. which together sent unto him, together with some bisquett, a bottle of Sacke, and some other things they sent unto him, wherewith he seemed much content, and returned them many thanckes assureing them of his friendshipp ; nor did he fayle them therein to his uttmost. And at their departure told them he was sorry he could doe noe more for them, beinge the plaine truth that the Portugalls had outbribed tlieni, and had so far p'vayled wlh ye great ones, that he alone was not able to oppose soe many." He was, how- ever, he added, soliciting the new Viceroy on their belialf.
Then followed a course of trading marked by repeated intrigues on the part of the Portuguese to nullify the efforts of the English. Finally, the Chumpein caused two " inter- changeable writings," to be subscribed by either party, and so dismissed them on equal terms. The conditions of the agreement arrived at were that the Englishmen should pay a tribute of 20,000 " rialls of eight " yearly, together with four pieces of ordnance and fifty muskets. On their part the Chinese authorities agreed that the English should make a selection of any island near Macao, for the purposes of a settlement, that they should have liberty to fortify it, and that they should have the same freedom of trade with Canton as the Portuguese enjoyed. If Weddell's enterprise had been vigorously followed up there is little reason to doubt that the English might have anticipated the founding of Hongkong by two centuries. But the times were not propitious for colonial adventures of any kind, and least of all for one in such a
remote region as the China Sea. Torn with internecine strife, and with the national finances in a state of great confusion, Eng- land turned her face from the path by which later she was to travel to a dazzling position of eminence as a world power.
The next few years were years of humilia- tion for the English in the Far East. The Dutch strove, and with considerable success, to drive English trade from the China seas. How low the national prestige had sunk may be gathered from the reply made in 1645 by the Surat Council to a proposition emanating from the Spanish Governor of the Manilas that a commerce should be opened between those islands and Surat. The Surat factors confessed their inability to supply the Spanish with the articles they required because of the vigilant eye the Dutch had over their actions. They went on to say that although they might "effect the business through the Straits of Sunda, yet without the Coinpany's positive order," they must decline hazarding the Company's shipping, but " rather propound unto the Court the obtaining from the King of Spain his consent and license for an open and free commerce between us." Apparently
himself for fear of falling into his hands ; which disturbances with the Portuguese's poverty had left Macao destitute of all sorts of commodities, there not being to be bought in the city either silks raw or wrought, (nor) China roots other than what were old and rotten ; nor, indeed, anything but China ware, which is the bulk of the Hindi's lading, the rest being brought in gold ; nor could anything at all during the ship's stay there be procured from Canton." The dis- turbed state of China continued for some time to interrupt the course of trade. Three years after the Hiiidc visited Macao the Company's agent at Bantam supplied a very doleful account of the position of affairs to his employers at home. " The experiment which you desire we should make with one of our small vessels for trade into China," he wrote, " we are certainly informed by those that know the present state and condition of that country very well cannot be undertaken witliout the inevitable loss both of ship, men and goods ; for as the Tartars overrun and waste all the inland country without settling any government in the places which they overcome ; so some of their great men in
MACAO, FROM THE SEA. (From Uorget's "Slietches of Cliina.")
the risks were eventually faced, for at the close of the year two of the Company's ships, the Hiiidc and the Sea Horse, are mentioned as having been one at Macao and the other at the Manilas. The voyages were not particularly successful, largely owing to the anarchical conditions which prevailed in China at this period. The Hiiuie, the chronicler says, might have done better but for " the extreme poverty of the place, it not appearing the saine as it was at the Loiulon's being there." Its condition was due " to the loss of their (the Portuguese's) former trades to Japan and the Manilas, the former of which they lately atteinpted to recover by sending a pinnace into those ports, but (they) had their people that voyaged thither all cut off, which makes them more miserable." As for China it was represented in the factor's report on tlie H/iidc's voyage as being " wholly embroiled in wars." " One of the chief Mandarins being risen in rebellion is grown so powerful that he possesseth a great part of the kingdom and is likely to be owner of it, the king, after he had slain his wife and two of his children, having hanged
China with a mighty fleet at sea of upwards of 1,000 sail of great ships (as is conlidenlly reported) rob and spoil all the sea coasts and whatsoever vessels they can meet with ; and how one of our feeble vessels would be able to defend themselves against such forces is easy to be supposed. As for the Portugalls in Macao, they are little better than mere rebels against their Vice Roy in Goa having lately murdered tlieir Captain General sent thither to them ; and Macao itself so distracted amongst themselves that tliey are daily spill- ing one another's blood. But put the case, all these things were otherwise, we must needs say we are in a very poor condition to seek out new discoveries ; while you will not allow us either factors, shipping or sailors, scarce hall sufficient to maintain the trade already you have on foot ; and therefore the Dutch but laugh at us to see us meddle with new undertakings, being hardly able to support the old."
The Tartar invasion of China, Dutch hos- tility, civil war at home, and a general lack of means, were circumstances which com- bined to circumscribe the operations of the
22 TW"ENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
Cdmpany for a consklerabic period after the inditing of this gloomy report. In 1654 the Dutch appear to have sent two ships to Canton from the Pescadores at the invitation of the authorities there, I'lut tlie new Knif>eror who was greatly incensed against the Hol- landers and strongly prejudiced against all foreigners, hearing of their presence at the port sent orders that they should be cut off, and cot off they would have been had not the friendly Viceroy given thenj a timely hint to cut their cables and depart — advice which they promptly acccpte<l. About the same period two private English ships, the King Feniimimi and the Richanl ami Altirtlia appear also to have visited Canton. They, too, had to leave precipitately, and they de- parted in anything but the odour of sanctity with the Chinese, for they omitted to dis- charge their measureage dues before leaving, a circumstance which was unpleasantly re- called live years later when the next English ship appeared in the Canton Kivcr. This vessel was the Company's ship Sural, which in 1664 sailed from Bantam with a cargo of pepper, indigo, a quantity of lead, and other produce, amounting in value to Rs. 9,573. They had difficulties as usual with the Portu- guese at Macao : " They are low and proud," was the Company's supercargoes' verdict upon them. They found pirates infesting the mouth of the Canton River and exacting blackmail from all whom they could intimi- date ; and, most discouraging of all, they discovered that there was " no certainty of trade in any part of China under the Tartar Government."
Foiled in their endeavours to create a direct tnide with China, the Company sought to achieve their end by indirect means. Their new plan was to establish factories somewhere in the vicinity of China where they could get into touch with Chinese traders. What seemed at the time to be a favourable opportunity offered in consequence of the capture of Tywan,
Formosa, from the Dutch in 1664 by a venture- some Chinese chief Mandarin, who followed up his occupation of the island by establishing something like a regal authority over its inhabitants. This chief was reported to be friendly to traders. It subsequently appeared that his friendliness only consisted in a desire to have in the foreigners' ships a convenient milch cow to supply his warlike necessities. But the Company were too eager at the time to get a foothold in the China seas to examine very closely into the motives which prompted the indirect overture which was made to them. In 1670 they despatched two small ships to Tywan to reconnoitre the position. A friendly reception was given to the Company's representatives, who finally left with a signed permit from the King for the establishment of a factory. The next year two ships, the Bantam Merchant and the Crown, were sent out to Tywan, but the results of the voyage were only partially successful because, s:»ys a naive coinmunication sent home by the factors, " of some perfidious Chinese and our yett inexperience in those parts." After this an effort was made to open up a trade with Japan by vessels sent direct from England ; but the venture was a complete failure. One of the ships was captured by the Dutch, and the other, after a circuitous and protracted voyage, arrived lionie with little to its account, but a heavy bill of costs. The Bantam agency was anxious to resort to the old Dutch method of capturing junks to compel Japan to open her ports. But the Court with great good sense wrote, " We like not what ye wrote to become robbers or to attempt to p'cure our trade with force, although they (the Japanese) have dealt un- kindly with us." The Court at the same time thought that much good might be done by cultivating the friendship of the King of Tywan, for they accounted the establishment at Tywan to be of great importance. Mean- while, in opposition to this view, it was
(From a print, o( the date 165$, in De Goyer and De Keyser's "Embassy to China.'^
reported from Tywan that no great progress was being made. The junks proceeding to Japan refused to have anything to do with the English cloths, and there were few open- ings in other directions for lucrative business.
Simultaneously with the opening of a trade with Formosa the Company took measures to establish a factory in Tonkin. The Dutch had long maintained an agency there, and it was thought tliat the Company could not do better than follow their rivals' example, more especially in view of the determination come to to promote a circuitous trade with China. To further the enterprise the Zanl frigate was sent out in 1672 with a full cargo and a capable crew commanded by W. Gyfford, one of the Company's trusted servants. 'The ship reached the Tonkin River on June 25th, and on the following day passed up the tideway some 14 miles. Then the frigate was ordered to stop until permission had been procured for it to proceed to Hien, the capital. A Mandarin — one Ung-ja-Thay — came on board while the vessel was lying-to, and the Company's repre- sentatives in order to get on good terms with him made hitn a pi esent of " 6 yards of scarlet, 2 sword blades and 2 silver hafted knives." These gifts apparently had not the desired effect, for when the ship was pro- ceeding up the river on July 6th, "the Man- darin being this day aboard, pinioned the captain and threatened to cut off the chief mate's head, because they would not tow the ship against a violent stream." However, "at last they were forced to try but as soon as the anchor was up the tide or current carried down the ship in spite of all help ; soe he was something appeased."
" Were it not that we have respect for the Company's affairs," observe the factors in their curious chronicle of the voyage, " we should have resisted any such affront, though we saw but little hopes of escaping, being so far up the river and our ship so full of soldiers."
Mr. Gyfford told the Mandarin that putting such dishonour upon them as to pinion the captain seemed very strange to them, and therefore they desired no other favour from him but leave to go back again, for they be- lieved their honourable employers would not trade there upon such terms. The Mandarin answered " that while we were out we might have kept out ; the King was King of Tonquin before we came there and would be after we departed ; and that this country had no need of any foreign thing ; but now we are within his power we must be obedient thereto ; com- paring it to the condition of a married woman, who can blame no one but herself for being brought into bondage." The Mandarin, mean- while, made free of the ship's stores. " He calls for wine at his pleasure and gives it amongst his soldiers and secretaries, forcing them and our seamen to drink full cups only to devour it." Afterwards the Mandarin plundered the ship shamelessly, and later some of the Royal house and leading officials joined in the business. In the absence of the King of Tonkin, who was away fighting the Cochin Chinese, letters were delivered to his son asking permission to build a factory.
In a summary of the proceedings Gyfford stales the Mandarin " ransacked our ship at his pleasure carrying away all our English cloth, stuffs, lead and guns and anything else that we hoped to make profit by, and told us that the King would buy them — which is true, but it will be at his own rates. . . . With all our industry we have not been able to do more than to unload the ship and procure a chop for settling at Hien and send of I our goods during the King's absence."
TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 23
In another report dated, August 7, 1672, the factors further dilate upon their troubles : " Two voyages were made up to the city Catcliao, first to procure the prince's chop to land goods and second to make prices of our goods they took from us for the King's use, which was all we hoped to gain by ; but they made us such prices as the Company would lose by, except the cloth stuff and guns ; and would have forced upon us silk at 40 p.c. dearer than might be procured abroad. ... It would be ot ill conse- quence to the Company's affairs to allow such an imposition, they at their own rates abating ours and raising their own goods ; and measuring our cloth by a false measure contrary to custom, which is barely the Dutch ell to which they added nearly a 2oth part. They are the most deceitful, craving and thievish people that ever we came among. But we are encouraged to hope that the King will hear our complaints and remedy all these things for us at his return." On the 12th of August the Zaiif dropped down the river and left on her return voyage. Afterwards Gyfford occupied himself in establishing the factory at Hien. In letters to Bantam and the Court, Gyfford, James and Waite, the factors, enumerated the goods that were likely to be most profitable. They concluded ; "'Tis not convenient to send much goods hither. Prin- cipally send what pieces of eight you can ; for the life of this trade is money, and unless the most part of the Company's stock sent hither be in money this factory cannot yield profit."
" It had been far better to have seen a trade opened northward, before we engaged in this expense, as we declared at Bantam."
" It is difficult to recover money from the prince ; yet he must not be denied more goods whenever he sends for them ; we understand the King pays well, but his son conceives it sufficient that he intends to do the same when he succeeds to the throne. . . . The usual way with the mandarins is to take goods agreeing to pay at the same time and in the same manner as the King ; so that being interested, they prevent us paying him so well as he is disposed to do. He this year gave order to pay us in Plate ; but the mandarins refused to obey and would pay us only in bad silk at a high price. The Dutch upon a like abuse being unable to get their petition presented to the King, brought their trumpet to the King's gate and obtained immediate access and redress. If your Honours continue here it must be upon such hazardous terms as we have related ; and you cannot blame your servants who are in reality no better than slaves."
" It is the policy of the King to repress trade lest the people grow rich and rebel ; of which he is very fearful by reason of the great population of the kingdom. He also receives four-fifths of the profits of the land and is very rich in gold and silver. The people if they have anything bury it and are afraid of making any unusual appear- ance in their houses or apparel lest they should be thought to have money ; therefore it is impossible to induce them to wear anything but what they are accustomed to ; neither would the King permit it, for all are habited alike according to their rank, in the distinction of which they are very exact, for not only a different title but also a different language is used according to the rank of the person addressed. . . . The Dutch have been settled in Tonquin forty years — for the first four years they suffered great affronts ; but they bore all and in all things endea- voured to oblige the King and still continue to do so on account of the great profit they
make on silk in Japan. The Dutch bring very little goods except for presents, and small quantities of such gruff goods as the King will not meddle with ; their chief profit is on what they buy. Rich curiosities, instruments, or materials of war, never escape the King. Indeed, he lakes whatever he fancies at his own rates. The Dutch take care to supply him with things of this description, but only with such as turn to profit ; . . . We must do the same and forbear to furnish him with lead, for which he has only allowed one-fourth the cost and charges."
The factors experienced great difficulty in securing payment for the goods they sold, but in the end by sheer pertinacity they obtained some sort of an adjustment. Des- pite the discouraging results achieved, the Court in 1676-77 sent out another ship to trade in Tonkin. It was received in much the same manner as the Zaiit had been four years previously. The factors' old friend, Ung-ja-Thay, was early on the scene making himself pleasant in his peculiar way. He first of all wanted to beach the ship in oider to inspect the cargo, but on receiving a sola- tium of no dollars he agreed "to let the ship alone and to proceed no further in his ruinous intent." The usual presents were made to the King, but His Majesty proved fastidious and returned some of them as not to his liking. The incident led to the des- patch of a letter to the Bantam authorities advising them how to proceed in future in this important matter. " We would request you," says the communication, "to write them (the King and his son) letters in China char- acters' and English or Portuguese sewed up in a piece of China gold stuff, and sealed each apart ; and insert (specify ?) your present to them in your letter, which must not be toys, but substantial things ; as great guns, broad cloth, serges, large pieces rough amber — the deeper coloured the better, or large pieces of well-polished coral. The present of the Dutch to the King this year was four pieces of cloth, two sacker guns, a corge of fine cloth, and a chest of rosewater. So in proportion you may order your presents there, and get them up handsomely as those of the Dutch are." That these instructions were not superfluous was shown a few months after the letter was written. About that time the factors were endeavouring to obtain the grant of a site for a factory and, in order to secure his goodwill, had made a present of amber to the King's eldest son. The prince, not finding the tint of the amber exactly to his taste, returned the presents without ceremony. He took care to let it be known that the only amber which would please him must be "as red as fire." Soon after this incident a mysterious message from the King reached the ship, demanding the attendance of the commander, the gunner, and the carpenter. The trio went wonder- ingly, and on arrival at the palace found that His Majesty wanted to show them a great gun which his subjects had cast to fit some shot which the Company's ships had brought out. The weapon was duly inspected and discreetly commended. But it seemed that the King had not sunnnoned them merely to survey and admire his subjects' handiwork. Clever as the Tonkinese were they had not been able to devise a contri- vance for moving the gun, so the Englishmen were commanded to manufacture a crane for the purpose, on the lines of contrivances used on their vessels. The direction was obeyed and the crane duly supplied. " Yet," as the factors plaintively remark in one of their reports, " we had not so much as thanks
though a man was ordered to oversee the work and did nothing else for near three months together." The King, in fact, took all that he could get and gave little in return. His subjects faithfully copied his example, in many cases indeed improving upon it. Under the strain of an intolerable situation the Company's agents became very despondent. Writing to Bantam about a month after the delivery of the crane they say : " As to the state of the Company's affairs here we know not what to advise, having to do with an unreasonable and untruthful people ; for the more we endeavour to oblige them the greater disappointments we find from them." Notwithstanding the discouraging conditions, the negotiations for a site for a factory were continued until August, 1678, when, by dint of bribery, a licence was obtained from the King for the establishment of a factory on a site below the Dutch factory. The plot of ground given, the agent reported, " is not so large as we desire, but need hath no law." The consideration for the site was a brass and an iron gun and shot. The former was returned as defective, and the Tonkinese " would not hear anything alledged in proof of the goodness of the gun, for having once refused it, no replications avail, though they see the gun fired a hundred times." Appar- ently this allegation of the defectiveness of the gun was only a subterfuge to cover a repudiation of the bargain that had been come to. At all events, in October of the same year the report was made to Bantam that the King would not grant the ground this year " being his climacterical year, wherein he is so ceremoniously observant, that no kind of public affairs has been com- menced." The affair of the site dragged on for some years, until after the death of the King. A grant was ultimately made by his successor and a regular establishment formed subordinate to Bantam, until the factory was captured by the Dutch when the control was vested in Surat.
At the station a certain amount of trade was done under restrictions peculiar to the place. One custom which proved very irksome and expensive was for the great men of the country to repair at odd times to the factory for purposes of entertainment. They did not wait for an invitation, but with their women folk dropped in just when the fancy took them. Gratuities had to be given to the women for the exercise of their vocal powers, and there were other charges which had to be defrayed out of the Company's exchequer. We have an account of one of these entertainments in the following entry in the factor's journal under date October 18, 1694: "The Duch Ung came to ye factory a little after noone, bringing with him abun- dance of women, his mother and severall of his wives ; and presently after he had drank a cupp of Tea came about 20 Bandigaes of Tonqueen fashioned victualls of his own, he treating with them all ye factory and his own people. A little before night wee pre- sented our entertainment likewise. He ate not himself, but ye women and his attendants all participated. They danced and sung all ye afternoone, and ye evening at their depar- ture wee gave them 20,000 cassies." The factory lingered on for some little time after this episode, and then in consequence of heavy defalcations on the part of the leading factor and the general unprofitableness of the business the establishment was withdrawn.
All the time that the Company was carrying through this costly experiment in Tonkin it was endeavouring by other means to ex- tend its trade in the China seas. The capture of Amoy by the King of Formosa in 1675
24 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONCJKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
supplied what al the first Mush appeared to be a most promisinj; openiiiK lor direct business rcbtions with Chiiu. The King wa» not "Illy willing, but anxious for foreign mrrcfaants to trade, and as an inducement
all expect the like or think themselves slighted." " Wee .is merchants," Ihe Court's letter proceeded, " have hitherto only treated with them by our (actors upon the respective places, and shall continue so to doc until
r
AXOT, FHOM THE OUTER ANCHORAGE. (From .in engraving.)
he held out an offer of exemption from customs and other duties for three years. The concession in the end proved illusory, but it served the intended purpose of attract- ing traders to this new centre. In 1676-77, the Company's (rigalc Tyicati, as an experi- ment, was orclered lo go to Amoy and there take on hoard a cargo of silk, and shortly afterwards a faiiory was established. In October, 1677, the head-quarters of the Com- pany in China was transferred from Tywan to this new centre, the pros|x;cts of which seemed at the time to he encouraging enough lo justify a special effort on the part of the Oimpany. 'The Aiik)V establishment thus organised consisted of Mr. lienjainln Delaune as chief factor, on a salary of £Ho per annum, a second factor on a salary of £'50, a third on one of £40, and four writers at ;^lo each per annum. 'These emoluments appear ridicu- lously small, but it has lo be remembered that the Company's servants were allowed to engage in private trade, and there is ample evidence that they freely availed them- selves of the privilege, sometimes to the marked disadvantage of the Company. The liopcs entertained of Amoy were doomed to speedy disappointment. When the King of Tjrwan had got the factors completely in his power he calmly rescinded the concession relative lo exemption from customs' duties. In vain Ihe Company's agents protested ag/utat what they properly regarded as a KToas breach of faith. The King's officials blandly made llieir demands and would accept no compromise. It was suggested at the time by the Company's agent at Amoy that g<M>d might t>e done by the despatch of a special envoy from the Com- pany to the King. But the Court very emphatically rejected the proposal. While they did not think that the least advantage would accrue from sending such a personage, a mission they considered would be expen- sive and would " hegett a greater expcciation fr<i«n the princes in those parts who would
their be just ground to make an alteration." Bantam was instrucled to expostulate against the unreasonable terms imposed, but matters were "to be carried fair at Tywan till a sure settlement is formed at Amoy or some other place in China, where we design the chiefe of our trade." At about this period the Com- pany's operations were greatly hampered by
advantage of all the opportunities that offered for commercial intercourse with Cliina. Eventually the Dutch captured the Bantam factory, and the direction of the Company's interests was, as has been stated, transferred to Sural, a far too distant point for really effective control. Before this event occurred, in May, i(>79, an invitation was forwarded home from the Viceroy of Canton for a ship or ships to go to that port. The Court, in acknowledging the communication, expressed thi-mselves doubtful as to the possibilities of lucrative trade in view of the disturbed condi- tion of Cliina. They added, " Yet forasmuch as China may introduce a very considerable trade and sent for English manufactures, we hope in time when the wars shall be ended and peace restored y' upon our application to the Eniperor, wee may be admitted to a Freedome of Commerce in that country." Afterwards the Court re- considered the determination expressed in this letter to allow matters to rest. In a conimunication dated August 12, 1681, they wrote : " Wee have had many conferences concerning the commencement of a trade for Canton, upon which wee have thus far agreed, viz., that it is a very desirable and profitable trade — that the China silk comodi- tyes from thence are generally better than from Amoy — as also that it might be a place in lime to sent a considerable quantity of our English manufacture, in soe much that wee should now have sent you a ship and cargo proper and purposely for that trade ; but wee are in doubt of two things : First, we are not satisfied either by our owne letters or by discourse with Mr. Marshall, English Dacres, and Captaine Nicholson, or any other that you have a sul'licient Chop or Phynnand, from the Vice King or supream person in autiiority at Canton for the security of our ships estate and servants, which wee may send thither. Our 2nd doubt is lest if wee should send a ship thither the Chiiieeses at Amoy, being at a kind of enmity with the
ENTRANCE INTO THE CITY OF AMOY. (From Allom & VVriglils "Cliina.")
the inefficiency of the Bantam establishment. The officials there sf> gravely mismanaged affairs that the Company's interests in the Straits were imperilled for Ihe time being, and meanwhile the Dutch were taking full
Tartars and people at Canton and being themselves a jealous, suspitious people should take such offence at the news thereof, as might in the consequence turne to tlie great prejudice, hazard, or loss of our alTaiics,
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPEESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 25
estate and servants at Amoy ; wtiere you will see our concerns are very considerable this year and like in our opinion (if not interrupted) greatly to increase in the next."
The Court nevertheless gave a discretionary power to Bantam to send one of the Com- pany's ships already with them to Canton with ;^3,ooo or ;^'4,ooo of stock to make a trial of trade there. They further intimated that they would ne.xt year consign a ship direct to Canton with liberty to Bantam to divert her to Amoy if her proceeding to the former should be deemed dangerous. Finally the Court directed that if Bantam had dis- posed of the ships for the season they might hire one to send to Canton.
Before the instructions could be carried out Amoy had been recaptured from the King of Tywan by the Tartars, and the Company temporarily cut off from its principal base in the Eastern seas. In the circumstances the Court proposed that four vessels which were being sent out to Amoy should proceed in company to Macao and that a fifth vessel should voyage to the Lampeco Islands, where the Court were informed the Dutch had in one year " laden twenty vessels with goods of those parts, especially from Canton, and rode there in safety and out of command." Although the arrangements here do not appear to have been carried out in their integrity there is a record of the visit of two of the Company's ships, the China Merchant and the Tywan, to the mouth of the Canton River in 1682. On their arrival becoming known at Canton war junks came out to impede commerce and they weie unable to do more than a trifling trade. The supercargoes le- ported home the reasons for their failure : '■That which formerly made the trade of this place to flourish," they said, " was the King of Canton hiniselfe being a promoter of it and interested therein," but being suspected of holding a correspondence with the King of Tywan he was put to death by the Em- peror's orders in 1680, and the most eminent merchants of the place were treated with " much severity." Since then Canton had been governed "by divers great Manderins," who by their vast extortions practised on the merchants whom they privately permitted to trade to the Macao Islands had " much de- pressed commerce and discouraged merchants from undertaking great matters."
The Tartar admiral, acting, it was stated, at the instigation of the Portuguese, ordered the two ships to leave their anchorage in the river. Subsequently they proceeded to Lampton or Twa, but finding a Tartar fleet there returned to their previous anchoring ground at Tempa Hebreda, near Macao. Here they landed what cargo they could and left early in 1682-83, fof Batavia. In October of the same year the ship Carolina was des- patched from England with orders to go to Macao and if they were not admitted there to proceed to Tempa Cabrado " where ye merchants of Canton," the instructions said, " will come over and deal with you for ye whole ship's loading." The supercargoes were cautioned to be very wise and circum- spect in negotiating "they (the Canton mer- chants) being a very cunning, deceitfull people." " In standing with them to draw them to the most advantageous terms," pro- ceeded the letter of advice, "pretend that you must speedily go to Amoy or Hock- shew, and what other arguments you can think on, to cause them to mend their last rates on both sides of ye account. If you cannot do all your business to your content at Tempa Cabiijdo, yet if it be possible get admission to settle yourselves a factory at Canton and to have constant residence in
ye citty upon ye best terms you can. The more to induce them to grant you a settle- ment in Canton upon good terms, you may propound our sending them four or six ships of war, to serve them in their wars against any but European nations at ye rate of I2d. per ton p. diem for twelve mos. They paying half of ye ship's freight or hire to you in hand upon the ship's first arrival at Canton. . . . The Court would rather send eight ships of war than two, as they would be the better able to cope with the Dutch or any other that might obstruct them." If they failed at Canton they were to attempt to found a settlement at Hock- chew or Amoy.
The Carolina, in spite of the obslructive- ness of the Portuguese, contrived, by bribing the Mandarins with the war boats sent out to shepherd her, to do some business. It does not appear from the records that any arrange-
home the ship China Merchant was des- patched to Amoy to prosecute the trade which it was sanguinely hoped the Delight had opened up. On arrival at Amoy the supercargoes were well received by the Mandarins, who doubtless regarded the ship as another pigeon to pluck. A letter left for the newcomers by the supercargo of the Delight, however, allowed no room for misconception as to the character of the Mandarins — " these rogues," as the writer styled them. " Gentlemen," the communi- cation said, " these are a people of noe courtesy ; they will promise you mountains but not perform a molehill. . . They may chance to wheedle you to give a present to ye Poke of HoccheAT and ye Booeh and likewise ye Chungisun who is general! of ye military affaires here ; he may tell ye a faire story but take this from me, he has nothing to do but give ye Booeh an ace'
SEELANDIA, ISLAND OF TyWAN.
(From Caron's "Jappati aiul Syani," published 1663.)
ment was made with the Chinese to afford them help in their warlike operations, or that the question was even seriously mooted. The obstinate determination of the Chinese Government to have nothing to do with the foreigner apparently was proof against all representations however attractively presen- ted. At Amoy in 1682 it seemed for a time that the old conditions of trade enjoyed under the rule of the King of Tywan might be restored. A ship, the Delight, sent out by the Company two months later than the Carolina, put into the port, and after a lavish distribution of presents amongst tlie ruling Mandarins obtained permission to trade. But before the loading was far ad- vanced peiemptory orders were issued for the vessel to leave, and the captain had no alternative but to obey, although to do so meant heavy loss to the Company. Before the news of their contretemps could reach
from whence your ship is and j'e like." After giving details of the tortuous dealings of the Amoy Mandarins the writer wound up with a general caution telling them to be careful to prevent disputes between the sailors and the natives, not to sell any goods to the great men without the cash in hand ; to open every bundle of silk before they paid for it and never to pay for any connnodity until the seller had settled the custom dues thereon.
Tlie China Merchant appears to have pro- fited by this good advice. It got on passably well witli the Mandarins, was actively patronised by the merchants, and finally left " chock full." The reason for the contra- dictions manifested in the policy pursued towards different vessels of the Company at this period was explained by " the great Padre " — a French Jesuit — to the supercargoes of a ship sent out to Macao in 1684. " He
26 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
told them that the best port for trade was IJankin. from whence the finest wrought and raw silk came. To inquiries whether it was poesihlc to procure the Emperor's permission to settle at Anwy, Hockchew, Fochin, or Nankin, he replied that he believed that it might be obtained but that the best mode of trade was by ships ' lo and again,' for there was a constant change of Governors and nothing could be done without making tliem
presents, which retarded the conclusion of liusiness. The Emperor was desirous of ena)uraging the ingress of foreigners to his ports, for which purpose he had thrown open the trade for three years, half of whicli was expired, and if all things went on well this freedom was likely to be continued ; but tlie Chinese were very jealous of strangers and did not like factories or settlements. The Padre cautioned the captain not to enter any
river or any way to put himself into the power of tlie Chinese ; and instanced their conduct to the Dutch last year at Anioy, who were impiisoned till half their goods were taken for nothing and were then obliged to make large presents lo be allowed to depart. The Emperor did not permit and was ignorant of such conduct, but the officers knowing their time was short ' make liay while the sun shines.' "
CHAPTER III.
Efort* lo open a Trade with Canton — Troubles of the East India Company with " Interlopers " — A Mission to Cochin China — First Elnglish E!stablishment at Canton — Formation of a Permanent China Council by the East India Company — An Elstablishment formed in Chusan — Abandonment of Chusan Factory and Foundation of an
Establishment at Pulo Condore — Affairs at Canton.
Ekcodragbd by the somewh.it qualified success of the Amoy enterprises, and stimu- lated also by the activity of the Dutch, who after their occupation of Bantam made great efforts to capture the China trade, the East India Comp.iny, in 1687, sent out several ships. Two of them, the Loudon and the Worcester, were despatched lo Amoy, and there, in August of the same year, a com- mencement was made with the establishment of a factory by the hiring of a house. Some ciays afterwards the fair prospect which
Amoy had its advantages, but there were no delusions at home as to its inferiority as a centre of trade compared with Canton. In 1689 90 the Court despatched the ship Defence out with special instructions to attempt to open up trade with that port. On September ist the vessel arrived at an anchor- age about " 15 leagues to the fclastward of Macao," and tlie supercargoes landed "in a fair sandy bay in siglit of ye Maccoa Islands." At a town they came to they procured three bamboo chairs and eleven wheelbarrows
CXTy OK .A.MUY FltOM THK TOMBS, (From Allom H. Wright's "Cliina.')
teemed to have opened up was obscured by a "regrelUble incident. " A drunken English sailor, wandering about at night, found his way to the Custom House, which he broke open. To acc'immodate the matter the factors went to the leading official. This person "was kind and civill and all he desired was a due punishment might be given to him (the sailor) by (Mirselvcs according (as in our opinion) ye cTime meritled ; w'h was inflicted in public view aslKjre by 100 stripes with a call of nine lailes and Pickle to their satisfaction."
" much more convenient than our English ones, but somewhat more noisy, for twas easy to hear them a league off." On their way to Canton the trio were well received and strangely enough the Mandarins would neither accept presents themselves nor allow their followers to take them. Arrived at Canton the supercargoes without difficulty obtained a chop for the ship to proceed up the river ; but to their mortification the captain declined to move from the anchorage to which he had proceeded about six leagues off Macao.
His excuse was that he had struck his topmasts and could not get away. But it appeared that there were other and more personal reasons for his rchictance to accept instructions. He seems to have been busy doing an active private trade, "forestalling" the Company's agents in several directions. These delinquencies, however, faded into insignificance by the side of one indiscretion which had a tragic result and eventually wrecked the entire enterprise. While ashore one day the Captain got into an altercation with the Chinese about a mast. After a scuffle the captain's men bore away the trophy in triumph, but as they went off in the boats the natives, irritated at their discomfiture, pelted them with stones. Upon this the captain gave orders to his men to fire, and a volley was directed to the crowd on the shore with unfortunate results, one Chinaman being killed outright and another wounded. The fire was returned and the native pilot who stood by the captain was wounded. But this was not the worst outcome of the business. " In this confusion," says the account sent to the Court by the super- cargoes, " ye poore doctor 3rd and 5th mate and 7 Englishmen on shore were not thought on, or neglected, the pinnice and long boat having cutt loose ye mast making a way from ye shoar, who had they stay'd but a few minutes longer might have received our poor Doctoi-, who with some others making towards ye boat was miserably cut down in their sight. Later news was brought that the doctor mortally wounded was drag'd by ye cruell Tartars into their Cajan Watch House, where he lies on ye ground chain'd in his gore most miserably, with ye stinking dead corps (after it had been carried around ye towne ye more to irritate ye Chinese) lay'd by him and none suffered to come near and dress his wounds, and all ye rest of his people (save ye two mates which (I) believe have sheltered them- selves amongst ye Portuguez) bound miserably in ye same house."
The supercargoes offered 2,800 taels to accommodate the affair, but the Mandarins demanded S,ooo, and not receiving this amount they detained one of the super- cargoes to enforce the payment. The captain, who throughout had acted in a spirit of absolute independence, finding the turn that events had taken s-et sail without the super- c.ugo, and so what seemed a most promising opening for securing a foothold at Canton ended in the official classes being turned
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OE HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 27
once more stro[if«ly aj;ainst the traders. Apart from this unfortunate episode the times were not at this period propitious for the China trade. "Interlopers" had become a source of serious anxiety to the Company. On the one hand they made things difficult in China by submitting to exactions ; on tlie other they injured sales at home by flood- ing the market with goods at low rates. The Court, writing to Madras in October, 1690, thus explained the situation : " China goods of all sorts are in very low esteem here ; we sell them cheaper than ever we did in times of peace. That trade hath been much overlaid of late and must be declined for a while to recover its reputation. Lacq'' ware of Ton- quin is a great drugg and so is Thea except it be supertine, and conies in pots, tubs or chests that give it no ill scent of the oyl, or any other matter. The custom upon Thea here is about five shillings p. pound, whereas a mean sort of Thea will not sell for above two shillings or two shillings and sixpence (p. pound)." In another communication of a somewhat earlier period the Court, depressed by the failure of their projects in the Far East, made a novel suggestion to their agents at Madras : " We have," they wrote, " no kind of thoughts of spending any part of the Company's stock in any new port or factory at present, except upon the generalls arrivall he and you should resolve to settle some place in or near the South Seas, where the Chineeses may resort to and cohabit with us (without passing by Mallacca or Batavia) under the protection of our fortificalion and plant sugars and Betlenut, keep shops, and do all other business as they do under the Dutch at Batavia, for which we should be content to allow them our encouragement and protection, paying us one fourth part in all respects of what they pay the Dutch, and we should order all our China ships to stop there going and returning for encouragement of the place." This proposal was not acted upon, but the entry is interesting as an indi- cation that the Company so far back as the end of the seventeenth century grasped the importance of the possession of great entrepots such as Singapore and Hongkong afterwards became.
The Company's fight against trade rivals at this period was of such a character as to leave it little energy for any fresh adventures. A new charter was under consideration by Parliament, and pending its issue " inter- lopers " were everywhere active, doing their best to capture trade which the Company regarded as its own. How bitterly the Court resented these rival efforts is to be seen in the following order which was issued in reference to trade in the early part of 1693: "We have and do continue and confirm our indulgence for all Bengali and China goods to be sent home by the Armenians and all English merchants, our owne servants and all other persons whatsoever upon the same terms of consign- ment and indulgence as last yeare ; it being of absolute necessity for us so to do untill our Charter be thoroughly settled by Act of Parliament, without which permission and indulgence during the Company's unsettle- ment it will be impossible soe to curb the avaritious corrupt nature of mankind but that some officers of our owne ships or others of our servants will be tempted secretly at least to assist and countenance interlopers for the very end of sending home by the inter- loping ships goods prohibited by our Charter Partys — notwithstanding any oaths or other obligations they have entered into to us."
The Company secured its new charter in October, 1693. Under it its exclusive privi-
leges were extended for a period of twenty- one years, and it was empowered to add ;£"744,ooo to its slock. The powers conferred brought a welcome addition of strength to the Company, but they did not set the trade of the Far East free from the baneful in- fluence of the wicked interloper. When the Court was despatching the ship Tniiiiball to Amoy, in 1697, it gave the supercargo specific instructions to hasten the voyage so as to anticipate a Mr. Gough who was sending out an interloping ship or two. "And if between you," they said, "you could secure to yourselves Amo, or whoever else you find the most considerable merchants on the place by such apt ways, and means, as to hinder his, or their, assisting the inter- lopers, it will be a very commendable and dexterous piece of service, which we think should not be a very difficult thing to effect, if you can make him or them rightly sen- sible that the Company are a permanent lasting body, likely to continue, having settle- ments in diverse parts of India and their fiiendship worth courting and preserving; whereas the interlopers are a sort of licen- tious people whose interests often thwart one another, at least run in different chan- nells, and are likely never to come thither again, after having once made a voyage." The interlopers continued to give trouble for long afterwards, and complications were added by "country" ships from India at- tempting to cut into the trade. The latter class of rivals, however, burnt their fingers so severely over their enterprises, owing to the exactions to which they were subjected, that they speedily dropped out of the run- ning. Meanwhile, the Court, with intent to secure a new trading centre in the China seas, opened up negotiations with the King of Cochin China, for the establishment of a factory in his dominions. This was not the first attempt of the Company to obtain a lodgment in Cochin China. Early in the century a factory had been established in the King's territory, but its life was brief and its end tragic. After numerous disputes with the native officialdom the chief agent one day openly resented the extortions practised upon him. A fight ensued, which resulted in the massacre of the entire eslablishment. Those were days when British prestige was at a very low ebb, and the outrage went unavenged. More than this, with the story staining its records, the Company, eighty years later, on a hint from the then King, was ready to cringe for favours which His High Mightiness might be pleased in his great condescension to extend to it. In acknowledging a letter from the monarch inviting the Company to trade, Mr. Nathaniel Higginson, the president at Madras, in a strain of exaggerated hyperbole, commended His Majesty for his liberality. The King's ancestors, the letter said, had forbidden trade, but their "luster was confined within their own bounds," but now His Majesty's fame " like the sun would shine throughout the world." Not to be outdone in flattery, the King thus responded ; " Supreme Governours and Princely Councillour, who represents ye chief person of ye Western axis, which receives its name from ye Northern Pole hanging over it— the English who perfectly understand whatsoever is contained in ye Book of ye 6 Sheaths and ye Three Orations, so called among us, and containing wholesome doctrine — who have ye strength and courage of ye Bear, ye Tigre and ye Panther — who industriously nourish ye mili- tary art, and perfectly understand not only ye Heavens, but ye earth, ye wind, ye clouds and ye airy regions — whose understanding
reaches ye sun, and whose hands are able to sustain ye firmament — who are so very carefull in clioosing governors and ruling their subjects ; in ye protecting of their people, in giving honour to great and worthy men, in kindness to foreigners — and although ye distance from us hinders our personall conversation, yet our minds are never separated from you in esteem and affection." He proceeded to say that the season was now past for trade, but that if the ship returned next year all requests would be freely granted, and thus would be introduced "a new method of trade, that making use of ye riches that are under Heaven, we may gain ye love of all ye nations of ye Northern and Southern climates."
The reception accorded to the Company's agents was hardly in accord with the unctuously friendly tone of the letter. On arrival off the coast they landed and were entertained at the hut of a fisherman " with boiled snake and black rice." After a con- siderable delay they were carried across the river to " ye Barre Towne " where they were received by a great company of armed men. After some general questions they were told to stand up, in order, says the factor's narrative, " that their men might feel us (it being their custom) which they did examining our pockets .... as if they searched for diamonds, &c. A Common Prayer Book and other of like bulk, they must know what was writt in them, and what language with many other imper- tinences." Eventually the visitors were allowed to depart, but an order was given, and had to be obeyed, for the unloading of the ship in order that the cargo might be inspected. The King took what goods he wanted, but the Company was not much better off for the transactions because of the action of " certain Japaners," who priced the goods sold low in their own interests. Here for the moment we must leave the Cochin China enterprise. There was an interesting sequel, but before we come to that we must deal with a rather important development in the China trade. This was the despatch in 1698-99 by the English East India Company, as distinguished from the London Company, of the first ship sent direct to China by them. This vessel, the Macclesfield galley, arrived off Macao on August 26, 1699. Soon after the anchor had been dropped a Canton merchant, Sheamea by name, came on board and offered to take the entire cargo. It subsequently proved that his overtures were part of a conspiracy amongst the Cantonese traders to keep down prices. How the affair was worked is described in this interesting passage from the ship's journal; "Sheamea on his departure desired us to try the market and we would then finde that his offers were the best ; this was part of the plot, they having agreed to bandy us about from one party to the other, and that each should offer less than the other for our goods, and advance the price of their own, till at last we should be glad to agree with Sheamea who was to make the best offers and finish the contract, in which each party was to have their determined shares. The existence of this combination was further demonstrated by the following circumstances, viz. — Having some suspicion we privately marked the silks and found that all the parties produced the same musters — one party mentioning what another party had enjoined as a secret, and on our going to visit one of them we found them all in consultation, which with other concurring circumstances left no doubt of the combina- tion."
I. FA^AOE of THK (iKKAI Tl^UI>LI.
VIEWS AT MACAO. 2. Gknekal View.
3. Chapel ok the Great Temple.
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
29
The Enjjlishmcii, after coiisultiiif; together, thought that the Company's interest would be best served by their proceeding to Canton and disposing of their goods there. They had previously found the Cliinese authorities very courteous, but tlie chop given them only permitted trade at Macao, and consequently a new permit would have to be obtained before the ship could be taken into the Canton Kiver. In these circumstances two of the supercargoes, Messrs. Douglas and Biggs, were sent to Canton to negotiate with the authorities. They were kindly received on arrival in the city by the two Hoppos, and also met with a friendly reception from M. Bonac, the P'rench agent, who had been a resident since 1698. M. Bonac invited the visitors to stay at his house, but from jealousy of the designs of the French, the factors declined the offer, though they accepted an invitation to dinner. The full permit to trade having been obtained the Mncdcsfwld galley entered the river on October 3rd, and anchored at Whampoa near a French ship from Madras and a "Moor ship" from Surat. Six days later, on going ashore to pitch his lent, the captain was attacked by a large armed party from the French ship, and his men were severely beaten. A complaint was made to the chief Hoppo of the outrage, but he, while sympathising with the English, said that as the French ship had come with an ambassador and presents it was beyond his jurisdiction. In the circumstances as the French were overwhelmingly strong there was no alternative but for the captain of tlie Macclesfield galley to pocket the affront. Though this unpleasant occurrence did much to mar the harmony of the Englishmen's early days at Canton there was compensation for them in the progress which they made with their business. Following upon the grant of a right to trade they, on October 9th, laid the foundations of an English factory at Canton by occupying a house which they had rented from a merchant at the modest price of fifty taels for the mon- soon season. Their early days in this new home are described in interesting detail in the journal which they faithfully forwarded home for the edification of their employers in accordance with the almost unvarying practice followed by the agents of the Com- pany's ships. Soon after the factors had settled, the two Hoppos invited themselves to dinner. They were advised by their mer- chant— Hun-Shun-Quin — "to bespeak some tables of victuals from the cook shop, for the two Hoppos and their ol'licers, and that we should allow their servants, soldiers and chairmen, about seventy in number, 5 ban- dareeus each for their dinner." The chief factor accordingly ordered eight tables, one for each Hoppo, one for himself and assis- tants, and five for the Hoppos' officers. " The chiefe Hoppo's table was placed at ye upper end of ye roome, upon ye left hand side and ye second Hoppo's on ye right hand side (ye other being ye highest place accord- ing to ye Chinese and Tartar fashion) our table was placed in ye same roome, fronting ye Hoppos', with our faces towards them : ye table for ye Secretarys was in ye next (roome) adjoyning to yt where we satt ; and ye tables for ye other officers where below. Every table was served with 5 or 6 dishes, dressed in whole joynts Tartar fashion (ac- cording to ye Europe manner) but brought in only one dish at a time ; and afterwards scverall services of China victualls, brought in after ye same maimer, but not removed untill ye whole number was compleat, wch was 16 in all, sett in a peculiar forme and manner and brought in att a considerable
distance of time, drinkeing tea, wine or cordiall waters, between each service accord- ing to ye custome." The dinner being over the Hoppos retired until the tables were " clean'd downe, for they use no table cloths." The dessert, consisting of sixteen sorts of fruits, sweetmeats, and pickles, being placed on the tables the Hoppos returned. The chief Hoppo " being an old man drank sparingly but the second Hoppo took his cups freely and urged us to do tlie same."
Afterwards an official inspection was made of the goods. " The chief Hoppo fancied a pair of brass blunderbusses and the second a pair of pistols which they desired to pur- chase ; this the linguist told me was only a genteel way of begging and advised me to give them as a present which I did and they after some pretended difficulty in taking them accepted."
Some little time after this entertainment the Chief Hoppo invited the English factors to breakfast. The account given of the function by Mr. Douglas, the chief factor, furnishes amusing reading : " Being arrived,"
tions to the Court, thus concludes: "Ye many troubles and vexations wee have mett with from these subtile Chineese — whose principalis allow them to cheat and ye dayly practise therein have made them dextrus at it — I am not able to express at this time ; and however easie others may have repre- sented ye trade of China, nether I nor my assistants have found it so, for every day produces new troubles, but I hope that a little time will put an end to them all." Sub- sequently Mr. Douglas ascribed the delays and difficulties experienced in realising the sales and investments actually agreed upon to the great fall in the price of Europe goods and the rise in that of Nanking silk after a contract for sale had been made. Owing to the many delays it was not until July 18, 1700, that the Macclesfield galley was able to leave Canton. The vessel, after touching at various ports to coinplete her cargo, arrived off Portsmouth in the July following with "a rich and full cargo."
Before the Macclesfield galley had left Canton the Coiut at home had decided upon
A MANDARIN PAYING A VISIT OF CEREMONY.
(Krora Allom & Wiight's "Cliina.")
he wrote, " we were obliged to wait the coming of the French, Captain Goosline and Mr. t'leetwood, the Hoppo having provided a breakfast for us and intending to admit us altogether. In the meantime suspecting that the French miglit attempt to take precedence I by the linguist informed the Hoppo of my fears, who immediately sent word that he would take care about that and appoint us our places. The expected party being arrived we were ushered into the inner apartment where the Hoppo met us at the door and received us in the most courteous manner. After the usual compliments he ordered three tables to be prepared, one for himself, one for the French, and one for the English ; which being done he desired us to be seated, when the French second (the Chief being absent from indisposition) either by design or accident took the place intended for me (Douglas) which the Hoppo observing called me to his own table and seated me on his left hand, treating me with great respect."
The trading transactions of the factors were marked by interminable disputes and delays. Mr. Douglas, writing of his opcra-
the formation of a permanent Council to over- look the Company's affairs in the Far East. The Commission, which was dated November 23, 1699, was to Allen Catchpoole, president, Solomon Lloyd, Henry Rowse, John Kidges and Robert Master. In order to give greater prestige to the chief of the CounciJ the Court obtained from the King a commission appointing him and his successors in the presidential office " King's Minister or Consul for the English Nation." With this appoint- ment may be said to begin the caiecr of the British Consular Service in the Far East, and in a measure the commencement of the diplomatic connection of Great Britain with China. The Council's instructions were to attempt to form a settlement at Limpo or at some convenient port near Nanking or at Nanking itself. " We have been greatly encouraged to this Northern Settlement from the hopes we entertained of opening a way into the Japan trade," wrote the Court in explanation of this selection of localities for a factory. As to the person ticl of the establishment thus constituted, the members of the Council were given the rank of
30
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HON(JKONa, SHANGHAI, ETC.
mcfchants. It was directed that all the (actors' affairs of tMiying and selling should be managed in Council, for which purpose consultations should be held once a week or oftener and the proceedings regularly entered by a Secretary.
The Cimncil was empowered to dismiss any servant who defrauded the Company or betrayed their interests, or who " should cmnmil any heinous crime as murder, theft, blasphemy or the like, — or should rent any farms or duties of the Emperor of China or his Ministers whereby they might be subjected to their arbitrary powers and the Company's estate under their management ha/arded, — or if anv Company's servant marry any Maho- metan, Gentoo or Pagan."
To encourage their servants the Court allowed them to send home yearly what gold they pleased in order that their friends might return the prixxx-ds to them in silver. All salaries in China were, it was stipulated, to be paid at the rate of 5s. the " piece of eight " or dollar. The jurisdiction of the presidency was to extend over the whole Empire of China and the adj.iceiit islands.
The new Council sailed from England in the Eaton frigate at the close of 1699, and arrived at Banjarmassin on July 16, 1700. There news was received tliat the Com- pany's ship, Trumbiill galley, had left in company with two junks on the 15th of June previously for Chusan, where it was intended to form a settlement. In conse- quence of this information the Ealoii directed her course also to Chusan, and arrived off that island on the nth of October. President CatcIip<K)le met with a friendly reception from the Governors, but he could not obtain permission to form a settlement. When he pressed the matter he was referred to Peking. To approach the Emperor an em- bassy would have been necessary, and as this Would have cost at the least ;^io,ooo, the recommendation to memorialise the throne was not unnaturally disreg.irded. President Catchpoole continued at Chusan in the hope that some change might be effected in the situation by persistent applications backed by gratuities to the hungry officialdom of the Government In this expectation he was disappointed, and month after month slipped by without the Council advancing an inch in the direction in which it wished to go. Meanwhile, trouble arose through the rivalry
concerned. At the beginning of 1701-2 matters reached a crisis. Through the machinations of Mr. Cough, the agent of the London Company, an edict w.is issued by the Chinese authorities expelling Catchpoole and his establishment from the island. The terms of the order were so emphatically expressed that Catchpoole had no allernative but to obey, and on the 2iid of February he and his colleagues left in the Eaton for
A NATIVE OF PULO CONDORE.
(From a drawiiij* in the Manuscript l^ooni of tht
llritisli Museum.)
Batavia. In writing home at this period, Catchpoole and his colleagues reverted to their troubles and disappointments since their arrival in China. They stated that they had been " scarce a day free from insults, impositions, or hardships from the mandarins or merchants in respect of trade or government ; " but, they went on to say, "nothing thereof have affected us with that concern as the treachery and undermining
PULO CONDORE. (From a drawing in the British Museum.)
o( the I^ondon East India Company which at this time was actively competing for the China trade, notwithstanding that negotia- tions were going forward and, indeed, were advancing towards a satisfaciory issue, for the amalgamation of the two Companies. There were constant disputes and bickerings between the two establishments, to their mutual disadvantage as far as trade was
practices of our own countrymen and bosom friends ; who whilst sitting in Council with us have been privately working the ruin of our footing with the mandarins and merchants of the place by abetting and encouraging them to force us away in the Eaton."
After an absence of about twelve months the Council returned to Chusan, the way for them having been made smooth by the usual
material agencies. But it was only lo renew the old struggle for ascendency with obsliiiate and unreasonable colleagues. On this occasion it was the captains of the Company's ships who caused the trouble. These individuals comported themselves in iiidcpeiulent fashion, showing a contempt for authority vvhicli was resented by President Catchpoole and his Council. Tiieir worst offence seems to have been to make themselves at home at the factory, utilising rooms which were required by the establishment. Catchpoole, in reporting their delinquencies at home, remarked a fro/'os of an unwelcome visit from the captains : "The writers and factors lay up and down on tables. As we now are four writers lie in a room ; and yet the Factory rent stands the Company in 100 taels a month. We had trouble to get Captain Palmer out of Mr. Hal's apartment : he left in such a rage that he went on board and broke open Mr, Carleton and Mr. Chitty's, the supercargoes' apartments, and has made the great cabin less. Should your honours think I act too little I must plead for myself that we are in China, where the Governors are so villainous that they einbrace any opportunity to confound all, and these captains, to gratify their little pride, fear nothing."
In another conimunicalion, after fuither dissensions, Catchpoole wrote saying that all the captains were unruly, but there were distinctions to be made between them.
" We look upon Captain Palmer's as a giddy headed boyish distraction ; but Captain Smith's rudeness grew to so great a height, that in Council we unanimously ordered him not to come into the factory ; yet some few days after he did come, and falling into hot and quarrelsome words, he challenged the President out of the Factory ; who did go out after him, and to avoid the porlerly dispute of Boxing, threw a counting board at him and broke his head ; and he having in this encounter offered to strike the President, the said Captain was again brought into the Factory and with abundance of violence forced on board the Liampo (one of the three ships in port). Which although it raised a great uproar in the town and amused the mandarins, yet it convinced them that the English Com- pany's President has soine power. "
President Catchpoole came eventually to the conclusion that the position at Chusan was not worth maintaining. Trade was irregular and at the best not lucrative and the otiicial interferences and exactions made existence almost intolerable. He had long had his eye on Pulo Condore, an island off the coast of Cochin China, which he confidently believed might with due enterprise be made to become a valuable entrepot for the China trade. Tliitlier he proceeded in 1703 and forthwith commenced to establish a factory. Apparently the King of Cochin China claimed sovereignty over the island, and on hearing of the occu- pation sent a letter of protest through a local governor. President Catchpoole acknowledged this in a strain of humility worthy of Uriah Heap. Addressing the official as " great and noble sir," he assured him that if they had been wanting in respect it was due to their ignorance of the customs of Cochin China. But now that he had been pleased " to con- descend so far as to style me your brother, you shall on all occasions find me to behave with the dutiftilness of a younger brother to his elder." Referring to the presence of two of the Company's servants in the King's dominions, he said that he did not doubt his countrymen would return to him " with the welcome news of the conquering King of Cochin China's leave for my settling here with my people. But I shall find some
TWENTIETH CENTUEY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 31
inconveniencing if you are not so bountiful to me as to order about 50 carpenters and bricklayers hither to build me a house and other conveniences ; for those already built for the English who can't work in these hot countries, do keep not out the rain. And it will be but like an elder brother, to condescend to order what pay each man shall have." The King of Cochin China himself replied to this letter in an extraordinary effusion dated August 2, 1703. The King stated tliat his complaint against them was not that they showed no civility by the mak- ing of presents, but because of their illegal behaviour.
" Consider ye," he said, " and examine seriously, and fear Heaven with all your heart and all your strength and you will presently become as if we were surrounded by a wall."
" You are pleased to say in your letter that upon another occasion when a ship comes, you (will) send richer presents. How can such sort of things be precious to us ? Would you know what it is we highly esteem ? Upon goodness and piety we put a great value ; friendship and love we reckon of great moment : what regard can we have to pearls and rich silks, if honesty and respect be wanting ? But seeing you are very expert in sea and military affairs we are confident you will exert your teeth and hoofs against our enemies ; and on this account you will do a considerable piece of service and worthy of you ; and so long as you stay and trade in that island we freely forgive you the Customs of the goods and the tribute of the land although the old inhabi- tants pay both ..."
" Get everything in good order, that you may come to Court yearly, whereby it will come to pass that we shall mutually, as in the Winter Season, cherish one another, and also increase our fidelity and friendship ; which two blessings are so great that they can never be exhausted."
" Now the wind is favourable, the sea calm and the vessel desires to leave the port ; and we have written this letter. Although the rivers be as a belt, and although the hills be as stone to rub ink upon ; although also the sea be spacious and the Heavens high ; never- theless, piety, concord, gratitude and the remembrance of favours done, shall never have an end."
The immortal Chadband himself — to select another Dickensonian illustration — could not have surpassed the unctuous fervour of this communication. The amusing thing is that the King was a notorious old reprobate who worthily ruled over as thievish a lot as the East India Company ever had dealings with. From beginning to finish the attempts to trade in Cochin China were failures mainly for this reason. The Pulo Condore factory was a particularly bad bargain. The place was unsuited in every way for the purposes for which it was designed, and the estab- lishment, after the expenditure of a consider- able amount of money upon the enterprise, was withdrawn. With it disappears from the scene the pompous figure of President Catchpoole, " the King's Consul," and the first official chief of the Company's establish- ments in China.
The chief centre of interest once more shifts to Canton. Relations of some kind appear to have been maintained with that city by the Company during the period of President Catchpoole's sojourn in Cliusan and Pulo Condore. In 1704 an unpleasant new departure was made by the Chinese authorities by the appointment of a functionary known as the Emperor's Merchant, who was in- vested with authority to monopolise the trade. This " new monster," as he was termed by the indignant English factors in their reports to the Court, was a man " who formerly sold salt at Canton and was whip't out of the province for being caught defrauding tlie Emperour of his dutys on that commodity,
but not being whip't out of all his money, he had found means to be introduced to the Emperour's son and successor who for a sum of money reported to be 42,000 Taels had given him a patent to trade with all fcluropeans in Canton exclusive of all other merchants." The discontent aroused by this new and formidable obstacle to trade took shape in a strong representation to the Quang- choo-foo, as to the disastrous results which would ensue if the system were continued. This official set an inquiry on foot and found that the Emperor's Merchant had literally no goods, and that the other traders were debarred from selling goods in consequence of his patent. In the end an agreement was come to by which the Emperor's Merchant allowed others to participate in the trade in consideration of a payment to him of a duty of 5,000 taels per ship. Besides having to bear this heavy imposition trade about this period was penalised by an import duty amounting to 4 per cent, of the value of the goods. In 1704 the charge is spoken of as " an imposition lately crept upon us by the submission of our predecessors the two preceding seasons." The character of the duty is thus explained : " One per cent, of the four is what has been usually given by the Chinese merchants to the linguist upon all contracts, and the linguist was used to gratify the Hoppo out of the sum for his employment. The other three were first squeezed from the China merchant as a gratuity for upholding some particular men in monopolising all the business, and this used to be given in a lump, so that by under- valuing the goods and concealing some part they used to secure half the charge ; but to show how soon an ill precedent will be improved in China to our disadvantage, the succeeding Hoppos, instead of the persuasive arguments such as their predecessors used, are come to demand it as an established duty."
CHAPTER IV.
Regular Trade at Canton — Accession of the Emperor Kienlung — Liberal Trade Policy — Commodore Anson and the Mandarins — Trade Confined to Canton — Arrest of Mr. Flint, a Supercargo — Special Mission despatched to Canton by the East India Company — Regrettable Incidents — A British Sailor delivered up to the Chinese and
executed by them.
Before the eighteenth century had far advanced the trade with Canton had as- sumed to a large extent a regular character. The Company's instructions provided that the supercargoes in China should keep but one table, and should meet at least twice a week for consultalion upon the Company's affairs. As to the ships, the general practice was for them to await off Macao until the super- cargoes had ascertained whether the condi- tions at Canton were favourable to their approach to that city. If a satisfactory re- port was made the vessels were taken to Bocca Tigris where the Hoppo's officers boarded them. Through the linguist an inti- mation was conveyed to these personages that the supercargoes wished to wait upon the Hoppo. Subsequently an interview took place with this high official, and after the exchange of compliments, a demand was made for free trade under stipulated condi-
tions. The main conditions were that the trade should be with all people without re- striction ; that the Company's servants might entertain in their service what Chinese ser- vants they pleased, and discharge them at their pleasure ; that if their English servants committed any fault deserving punishment they should be dealt with by the super- cargoes ; that they should be at liberty to buy all sorts of provisions for the factory and the ship at their will ; that they should pay no custom or other duties for any goods they should bring on shore and not dispose of ; that they should have liberty to set up a tent ashore, to mend and fit their casks, sails, and rigging ; that their boats should have liberty to pass the several custom houses or boats as often as should be thought fit without being called to or ex- amined on any pretence whalsoever where the British colours were hoisted, and that at
no time should their seamen's pockets be searched ; that the Hoppo should protect them " from all insults and impositions of the common people and Mandarins who were annually laying new duties and exac- tions which they were forbidden to allow of." Finally, it was demanded "that the four per cent, be taken off and that every claim or dem.ind the Hoppo had should be demanded and determined the same time with the measurement of the ship." It was usual for the Hoppo to signify his assent to all the demands, with the exception of the last, which he could not agree to. The supercargoes were accustomed to press the point, and on finding that there was no prospect of concession would discreetly " let that argument drop."
In 1720 a new source of embarrassment to the trade arose in the formation of a com- bination of native merchants to secure the
S2 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
fixing of prices at levels which they approved. A movcaient o( the kind was set on foot as \vc have seen iin>re than twenty years earlier, but this was by no means so formid- able a manifestation of the genius of the Chinaman for exclusive dealing as that with which the factors were now faced. Finding how matters stood the supercargoes adopted a bold line. They declined to wait on the Mandarin at Whampoa or to commence the trade until the Co-hong, as the combination w.is called, was abolished, and they were at liberty as heretofore to trade without restraint. The Isontock, hearing of the dis- pute, summoned the princip;»l native mer- chants before him and told them that if they did not dissolve the Co-hong he would find means to compel them to do so. This plain speaking had its effect, and trade dropped into its old channels. But within a year a further source of anxiety arose in one of those episodes with which the history of British trade in China teems. One of the Hoppo's officers was accidentally killed at Whampoa while engaged in the discharge of his duties amongst the shipping. Though no blame attached to any one the local oHicials
festation. Before many months had elapsed the old tactics were revived and practised with irrit.iting persistency. In 1728, following upon a series of disagreeable incidents, came the levy of an additional duty of 10 per cent. on all goods sold by the merchants. The burden imposed by this charge was so serious that the European trading community decided upon the somewhat bold course of making a a personal protest to the Isontock. Assem- bling at the factories they proceeded in a body to the Isontock's residence. They were admitted after some delay to the Mandarin's presence, and delivered their address to him through one of his officers. After cursorily perusing the document the great man told them, not too affably, that they should deal with responsible merchants and pay their customs. With this advice, with which they could very well have dispensed, they were dismissed. Alter the interview there was some relief from the more obno.\ious of the regulations, but the 10 per cent, duty was maintained in spite of repeated protests and representations to the Court of Peking.
A new and important era in the history of European trade in China was reached in
A VIEW OF THE CANTON FACTORIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, (l-'roni u print engraved in 17K4J from a picture paiiUcdiii Cliina.)
seized two mates and four of the inferior officers of the CadoUnn, one of the Company's ships, who were quietly walking in the street near the factory at Canton. An indignant protest was made to the Hoppo against this despotic action, and a plain inlimation was given that unless redress was immediately afforded the Company would be recom- mended to transfer their commercial dealings from Canton to some other port. As usual when firmly treated the authorities were quite reasonable. The Mandarin who com- mitted the affront was degraded from his office and a promise was given that he should be bamtxxicd and rendered incapable of being again admitted into the Emperor's iicrvice. It may be doubted whether the punishment was ever inflicted, or if inflicted, whether the right person suffered, but the fact that the Hoppo thought it worth while to give even formal expression to his dis- pleasure shows that the Chinese officials at this time had learned to value the privileges which trade bi ought in its train Uto highly for them to part with them readily. The sweet reasonablieness shown by the Mandarins in this affair was, however, but a passing mani-
1736 on the occasion of the accession to the throne of the Emperor Kicnlung. Of all the modern rulers of China Kienluiig de- serves to be regarded as by far the greatest. He entered upon his long and eventful reign of more than sixty years animated by the highest principles. While perfonning the customary rites on the day of his installation, the youthful monarch made a vow that " should he like his illustrious grandfather, Kang-hy, be permitted to complete the six- tieth year of his reign, he would show his gratitude to heaven by resigning the crown to his heir, as an acknowledgment that he had been f.avoured to the full extent of his wishes." Kienlung lived to redeem this pledge, and by so doing gave a remarkable example of royal sincerity. The first public act of the Emperor was to recall from exile all the members of the Koyal family who h:id been banished by his predecessor in conse- quence of their attachment to the Christian religion. Associated with this tolerant mea- sure was the issue of an edict relative to foreign trade, the general tendency of which was liberal. The rescript abolished the 10 per cent duty and made other notable con-
cessions. On the other hand there was a provision in the imperial decree that all vessels on arriving at Whampoa should land their armament and leave it in the custody of the imperial officials. In due course the edict was prnmulgated, and the opportunity was availed of by the British traders to make the Isontock handsome presents, in the expectation, afterwards realised, that the order in reference to the delivery of guns, &c., might be dispensed with. Matters pro- ceeded smoothly after this until 1741, when the arrival of Commodore Anson, in His Majesty's ship Centurion, the first King's ship to visit the Canton River, caused some excitement and led to a fresh crop of difli- culties. Under the Chinese law the admission of warships to the river was forbidden, and obstacles were interposed to the Cenlnrion's passage. Finding how matters stood. Com- modore Anson hired a boat with the intention of proceeding to Canton to interview the authorities. As he was embarking the Hoppo declined to grant him a permit, and forbade the boatmen to proceed. Not to be thwarted in this fashion, Anson told the Hoppo that if by the next day a permit was not forth- coming he would arm the Ccntiirioti's boats and force a passage. This had the desired effect of breaking down the opposition to the famous officer's visit to Canton. Elated at his victory, Anson would have insisted upon an interview with the Viceroy at Canton, but he was dissuaded from pressing for this by the British traders, who feared that high- handed action would react unfavourably on commercial relations. After refitting and provisioning his ship, Anson put to sea with the view of intercepting the valuable Spanish ship bound annually from Acapuico and Manila to Lisbon. He succeeded in his venture and took his prize into the Canton River with the, to him, surprising result that the Chinese authorities promptly demanded the customary duties for both vessels. Anson emphatically declined to accede to this de- mand, and with a view to contesting the matter with the high Chinese authorities, repaired with his boat's crew in full dress to Canton. Actuated by a desire to ensure the safety of the shipment of stores for his vessels, he refrained from seeking an inter- view with the Viceroy for some days. At length, wearied with the procrastinating policy pursued towards him, he sent a letter by one of his ofiicers demanding to see the Viceroy. This application would probably have met with but scant courtesy but for a happy incident which won the good will of the authorities. Two days after the letter was despatched a serious fire broke out in Canton. It would have ravaged a consider- able quarter of the city but for the prompt and efficient aid rendered by the Cciiliiiioit's men, who, by arduous work, were able to confine the outbreak within comparatively narrow limits. In gratitude for this signal service the Viceroy appointed a day for an interview. Anson attended at the time fixed, and, with a sailor's frankness, detailed to the Viceroy the various grievances under which the British traders laboured. He concluded with the expression of a hope that orders would be given which would prevent the recurrence of the events complained of. No immediate reply was given to this bold harangue. After a time the interpreter inti- mated to Anson that he did not believe that any reply would be given. The audience closed with the expression by the Viceroy of a hope that Anson would have a prosperous voyage.
The deliberate reticence of the Viceroy on this occasion was doubtless only a courteous
TWJ]NTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANCmAI, ETC. 33
way of intimatinjf that the policy pursued hitherto would not be altered, notwithstand- ing all that had been urjjed ajjainst it. This, in fact, was the attitude assumed later and persisted in in the face of the most strenu- ous representations from the British trading community. One feature of the administra- tion, which at this period was productive of bitter resentment, was the practice of naming security merchants for each ship. Under the system a particular merchant was held responsible to the Government for the payment of all duties and customs on goods imported in the ship, whether purchased by the security merchant himself or any one ebe. In like manner he was made account- able for the duties on export cargoes, while he was subjected to heavy financial charges of an irregular character on the strength of his position. The natural effect of the system was to prejudice the Company's busi- ness transactions in various ways, but more particularly in enhancing the cost of com- modities which its agents purchased. In 1754 the Isontock was approached with a view to the abolition of the practice. These merchants were received courteously, but the Isontock declined to give them a written reply. Afterwards he appointed two security merchants to each ship, in the illusory hope, apparently, that the increase in the number ol the sureties would meet the objections of the merchants.
Marked by some vicissitudes, but on the whole showing a satisfactory measure of progress, the trade contiimed until 1757. In that year a striking change in its conditions was made by the issue of an imperial edict coniining the foreign trade of the Empire to Canton. Up to this point, as the narrative has shown, Amoy and Limpo in Chusan had both been the resort of British ships, and thougli Canton had with the advance of the century become more and more the real centre of the China trade, thoughts were from time to time longingly directed by the Court of Directors towards other ports. At the very time that the edict was being promulgated a vessel despatched by the Com- pany was on its way to Cliina charged with a mission to open up a more regular trade with Chusan. Mr. P'lint, who went as supercargo, was instructed to reside if possible for some time at Nanking, and while there to direct attention to the silk trade to which the Com- pany attached great importance. Mr. Flint, on arriving at Limpo, found it impossible to get even common necessaries, much less to carry on a trade. This attempt to open a trade after the issue of the edict was keenly resented by the Chinese authorities, who saw in it a deliberate defiance of the imperial orders. On Mr. Flint proceeding to Canton in December, 1759, to report himself, he was summoned to the presence of the Isontock. The supercargoes deemed it expe- dient that they should accompany him, and accordingly the entire party proceeded to the Isontock's palace. The officials there would have confined admission to Mr. Flint, but the supercargoes determined not to be excluded. They were received by a Mandarin and proceeded through two courts with the apparent acquiescence of the officials. On arrival at the gate of the inner court of the palace, their swords were taken from them and they were hurried into the Isontock's presence. There an attempt was made to compel them to pay homage after the Chinese fashion, and on their resisting they were thrown down. The Isontock perceiving that the supercargoes were resolute in their determination not to humiliate themselves, ordered the attendants to desist. Afterwards
he directed Mr. Flint to advance towards him, and this gentleman having separated himself from his colleagues he was told that an order had been received from the Emperor for his banishment to Macao for three years, and for his ultimate exclusion from China, for going to Limpo after His Imperial Majesty had positively ordered that no ship should trade there. It was further intimated that a man, who had writlen a petition which Mr. Flint had caused to be publicly displayed at Tientsin with the object of attracting the notice of the Emperor,
upon them as they were fully persuaded he was well disposed to favour them." The sanguine belief here expressed in the ulti- mate repudiation of the Isontock's despotic behaviour was not justified by events. Mr. Flint was kept in close confinement at a place near Macao for nearly three years. Such was the rigour of his treatment that even letters were not allowed to reach him. With a view to ameliorating the situation the Court, in 1760, determined to send out a special mission to Canton. To represent them they appointed Captain Skottowe of the
THE GREAT EMPEROR (KIENLUNG). (From Sir Georj^c St;iunton"s '■ Lord Mac;u-tnL'y's Embnss)-.")
was to be publicly beheaded that day for treacherously encouraging such a step. The indignation which this extraordinary episode excited found vent at a united meeting of European traders at the British factory three days later. All present agreed to send home lo their respective companies a report of the unwarrantable action of the Isontock, and they doubted not that a method would be found and measures taken to make the facts known to the Emperor, " who they were convinced would avenge the affront put
Company's ship Royal George, and they entrusted him with a letter from themselves to the Isontock. Elaborate instructions were given to the envoy as to his behaviour in the Far East. He was not to be seen in the shops, &c., purchasing chinaware ; if he wanted any goods he was to send for the merchants, and not go for them himself ; he was never to appear in undress in the streets, or at home when he received visits ; above all he was to be called Mr. Skottowe, not Cdfhiiii, and it was to be given out that
34 TWENTIETH CENTrRY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
he was llie bri>«lier of His Majesty's I'nder Secretary of State who had the honour to write the King's letters. The Court might have spared themselves this (letty deceit. Captain Skottowe's mission was a complete failure, no« a single point of the list of de- mands he presented being conceded. There- after, for some years, events pursued their accustomed course. The only development of interest was the revival of the Co-hong, in 1760, with consequences very detrimental to the Company's trade. The supercargoes were instructed to pay constant attention to this conspiracy and to other restrictions on trade, but at the same lime they were told " that in all their proceedings pacilic and ct>ncilia- tory measures only were to be observed, and Uie utmost care taken not to give any just reason for umbrage to the Chinese govern- ment." In I7ft4 the visit of the British warship Ari<o to the Canton River led to trouble of a new kind. The Chinese authori- ties, on the appe.irance of the ship, insisted on measuiing her with a view to the payment
a refusal. After due deliberation the captain assented, and the ship was measured, to the great relief of the traders, whose affairs had been at almost a complete standstill during the four months that the dispute con- tiimed. In connection with the Ari^o's visit to Canton we find, in a minute of the Court of the Directors of the period, one of the first references to that tral'tic in opium which was destined, a good many years later, to exercise a powerful influence on the course of events in China. The Court, adverting to the stoppage of trade caused by the incident just narrated, state that they had heard that, besides other goods, opium had been shipped in the Arf^o in the way of private trade, and they requested that a full account might be sent home of the matter, as opium was prohibited and the importation might be most detrimental to the Company's interests. The fact that the Company's ships were the only vessels exempted from search on account of opium no doubt lent point to this instruction.
AN OLD VIEW OF NANKING. (From a print at tlic liiilish Muscuin.)
o( the ordinary dues. The captain resented this on the ground that the officials had no power over a king's ship. In consequence of the attitude he assumed the merchants refused to be responsible for the Company's ships, and trade was stopped. To alleviate the situation the supercargoes offered to pay dues for the Argo at the same rate as that charged for the largest Company's ship ; but this was declined. The Hoppo slated that he intended to proceed to Whampoa to measure the ship, and that if his request was refused she would have to leave. The Isontock took an even higher line. He wanted to know what the supercargoes meant by offering to pay the mea-sureagc in lieu of the ship being measured ? Such procedure, he intimated, was contrary to all custom, and he concluded by sa}-ing ll>at if the ship was not measured- the supercargoes would have to leave the country, and the merchants would be bam- booed and banished Canton. In view of the official attitude the supercargoes strongly urged the captain of the Argo to submit in order to avert the injurious results which would, in their opinion, certainly How from
By this time the Biilish trade in China had dropped into a regular groove, and it was yearly growing in importance. In order that their interests might be better safe- guarded the Court, in 1770, ordered that their surpercargoes, instead of going back- wards and forwards with the ships, should reside permanently in China. An almost immediate outcome of this change in system was the dissolution of the Co-hong, which the supercargoes were able to effect through an intermediary, though only at the cost of 100,000 taels. The removal of this barrier to trade had a beneficial effect, but in general the position of the British traders did not improve with the lapse of years and the growth of their mercantile relations. Re- grettable incidents were still of frequent occurrence. They were not always due to faults on the Chinese side, but in their adjustment the Chinese ofiicialdom invariably put themselves in the wrong by tlieir arrogant and unfair attitude. One of the most im- portant of these imbroglios occurred in 1784 through the accidental killing of two Chinese by the firing of a saluting gun from the
British ship Lady Hii!;lics. On the occurrence becoming known the authorities, accompanied by the native merchants, waited on the President of the British factory to demand that the man who had fired the gun should be given up in accordance with the laws of the Empire. The reply given was that it could not be ascertained who the man was, that in all probability the gunner had absconded, and that they (the supercargoes) had no power over private ships, to which category this vessel belonged. However, the supercargo of the l.aiiy Hiifihcs agreed, at the instance of the Select Connnittee — as the Company's governing body at Canton was styled — to go to Canton in order to explain the circumstances. This individual subse- quently accompanied the Chinese officials to their destination, and after an examination for form's sake, he was decoyed away and conveyed by an armed guard into the city. The seriousness of the turn that events had taken was recognised by the European communities of all nationalities. With one accord they agreed to stand by the British in their demand for the release of the supercargo. In order to give emphasis to the protest armed boats of the several ships at anchor at Whampoa were called up to Canton.
Notwithstanding this display of force, the Chinese resolutely declined to hand over the supercargo until the gunner or some sub- stitute had been provided. The Select Com- mittee ultimately weakly conceded the point by delivering over to the custody of the Chinese the man who fired the gun on the fatal occasion. When he was surrendered the Mandarins desired the Europeans present "not to be uneasy as to his fate." This was thought at the time to be reassuring. But the Select Committee were reckoning without the ingrained devotion of the Cliinese to the spirit of their law of homicide, under which the causing of death in all circum- stances, even the most innocent, is a serious crime. On January 8, 1785, in consequence of an order received from the Emperor, the unfortunate man was put to death by strangling. Afterwards representatives of the various European factories were summoned to attend the Mandarins, and were informed by them that the Emperor was greatly displeased at their having so long delayed giving the man up. The official spokesman commented on the extreme moderation of the Govern- ment in demanding the life of only one foreigner while the lives of two Chinese subjects had been lost by the accident. He added that the Government expected a readier compliance with their demands on any future occasion of a similar character. It does not appear that any further protest was made by the British representatives against the arbitrary action of the authori- ties. Probably it was recognised that such would have been useless. Whether that is the true explanation or not the episode cannot be said to reflect credit on the British representatives of the period. They seem to have blustered at the outset and then to have handed this wretched man over without the smallest guarantee as to his treatment. They might have known from earlier experiences of the same type that the surrender in the circumstances was tantamount to acquiescence in a sentence of death. Reviewing the whole circumstances of the deplorable incident later the Court made some sensible remarks on the general attitude of the Chinese. " Experience had slunvn," they wrote, " that the Court of Pekin would use its power to carry into execution whatever it declares to be the law. Individual Chinese
VIEWS IN AND ABOUT CANTON.
I. Tkmple ok Buddha. 3. Bridgk near Canton.
Pagoda and Village on the Caxal near Canton. On the Canal between Macao and Canton.
36 TWENTIETH CEXTUKY IMPKESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
may be, and often arc, afraid of Europeans, but ttie Gt>vei nineiit was not so. Dcsiwtic in itself, iijnorant of the power of foreij;n nations, very su|vrrior to tlie divided and small Slates tliat surround it, the Chinese esteem Ihemselves not only the lirst nation in the world but the most powerful. Such
circumstances and such notions had naturally produced a high and imperious spirit in the {•overnment, but no fear." The Court directed that in the event of a casualty like the last unfortunate accident happening to any of the English, the supercargoes should use every means in their power to
slop the business in the first stage by apply- ing to some Chinese mercliant of ability to get such a representation made to the Viceroy as might secure the life of the person. Only in the event of a murder were they to deliver the perpetrator up to the Chinese.
CHAPTER V.
Lord Macartney's Mission to China — Friendly Reception by the Emperor — Stately Court Ceremonies — Unsatisfactory Negotiations — Return of the Mission — The Emperor's Letter to King George — Affairs at Canton.
The cumubtive efl'ect of vexatious inter- ferences, the arbitrary displays of authority, the unfair exactions, and the ever present manifestations of jealous exchisivencss which
went to make up the Imperial Chinese policy, was to produce in England a feeling that an organised effort should be made lo place matters on a better footing. In the
THE EAKL OF MACARTNEY. (From an cDgravinK by liartolozzi in the Print Kooni, Brilisli MuMum.)
view of influential authorities, the China trade was too important to be subjected, as it often was, to the caprice of local ofiicials. It had developed in remarkable fashion and would develop to a still larger extent if the heavy restraints put upon it were removed, or even materially modified. Furthermore, there was the consideration that while other nations, through missionaries or scientists, had long been able to maintain direct inter- course with the Emperor, Great Britain, though possessing by far the greatest stake in the country, had never been represented at the Imperial Court. It was suspected that the loss from this absence of contact was a good deal more than the negative one of lack of influence. On the one hand foreign intrigues were promoted, there was reason to believe, by the spirit of aloofness which was maintained by the Court, while, on the other, abuses were created as the direct result of giving local ofiicials practically unlimited powers, and denying all right of appeal to the supreme head of the Govern- ment. In all tlie circumstances it was held that the time was ripe for the despatch of a special missioti to China to invoke the imperial protection for British subjects and to attempt to widen the opportunities for trade between the two countries. The idea took definite shape at the beginning of 1792, when the Court of Directors were informed by the Govermnent that tliey contemplated sending an embassy to Peking for the pur- pose of placing our intercourse with China on a firmer and more extended footing. Doubts were expressed by tlie chairman and deputy chairman, who were first consulted, as to the probability of any substantial advan- tage accruing from the projected step. But in view of confident expressions of opinion in a contrary sense, emanating from other quarters, and of the strong desire evinced to make the experiment, they did not allow their misgivings to go to the extent of opposi- tion lo the proposal. The Court subsequently took a very active part, in consultation with Ministers, in perfecting the arrangements for the mission.
The choice of the Govermnent for the office of ambassador fell upon Lord Macartney, a distinguished Ex-Governor of Madras, who had specially qualified for diplomatic work early in life by conducting a successful mission to the court of Catherine ol Russia. He was an accomplished man of the world, tactful, dignified, and resourceful, and he had shown in his dealings with Orientals in his Indian appointment that siuvir fiiirc which of all personal qualities is perhaps the most im- portant in that connection, k better selection indeed could scarcely have been made, and
TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMPKESSIONS OF HONUKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 37
it was approved witli something like enthu- siasm by the East India Company. The mission sailed from Spithead on September 26, 1792. Macartney and his suite of ninety- five persons embarked on board the Lion man-of-war of sixty-four guns, and the East India Company's sliip Hiiiitooslnii, one of tlie finest of tlie Company's fleet, accom- panied the warship, together with the brig Jackall. After calling at Balavia and Tuion iBay in Cochin China, the little squadron arrived at Chusan. The Embassy was well received here and at other ports at which the vessels touched, and abundant supplies were furnished by the authorities. On August Sth Lord Macartney and his suite, emiiarking in the smaller vessels of the squadron, proceeded up the Peiho Kiver, where a yacht was awaiting to convey them to Tongsion, tlie landing place for Peking. The Ambassador was most favoiUMbly im- pressed, not only with the higher officials who were assiduous in their attentions, but with the common peojile who thronged the shore at every point. " I was so much struck with their appearance," he writes in his diary, "that I could scarce refrain from crying out with Shakespeare's Miranda in the ' Tempest ' —
' Oh. wonder ! How many goodly creatures are there here ! How beauteous mankind is ! Oh ! brave new
world, That lias sucli people in it.' "
On August 6th the mission landed. They were received with much ceremony and were conducted to the Temple of the Sea God, where they were formally welcomed by tlie Viceroy of the province. After partaking of tea the party proceeded to business.
" The Viceroy began by many compliments and inquiries about our health, and talked much of the Emperor's satisfaction at our arrival, and of his wish to see us at Gehol,
■ssxr-x^i^f-afsax Sfc-
many persons, and that the presents for the Emperor and our own baggage were so numerous and took up so much room, that we should require very spacious quarters at Peking. That as we found it was the
to the Sovereign of the East by sending the present Embassy, and hoped it would be attended with all the good effects expected from it. That as it was equally my duty and inclination to promote these views to the
CHINESE BARGES OF THE EMBASSY PREPARINtJ TO PASS UNDER A BRIDGE. (From Sir George Staunton's " Lord Macartney's Embassy.")
Emperor's wish for us to proceed to Gehol, we should prepare ourselves accordingly, but that we should find it necessary to leave a great part of the presents at Peking, as many
CHINESE BARGES OF THE EMBASSY PASSING THROUGH A SLUICE
ON THE GRAND CANAL.
(From Sir George Staunton's " Lord Macartney's Embassy.")
in Tartary (wl;ere the Court always resides at this season), as soon as possible. To these we made (he proper return of compli- ment, and then informed the Viceroy that the train of the Embassy consisted of so
of them could not be transported by land to such a distance without being greally damaged if not totally destroyed. We ex- plained to him the high compliment inteudtd by the first Sovereign of the Western 'W^orld
utmost of my power, I requested the Viceroy would be so kind as to give me such infor- mation and advice as might enable me to render myself and my business as accept- able to the Emperor as possible."
The Viceroy, who was described by Lord Macartney as "a line old man of seventy- eight years of age . . . calm, venerable, and dignified," listened with perfect politeness to the Ambassador's representations and ex- pressed in unaffected manner his complete compliance with them. On August 7th the mission commenced their journey to the interior. The entire party were embarked on thirty-seven yachts or junks, " each yacht having a flag flying at her mast head to distinguish her rank and ascertain her station in the procession." The emblems also bore in large Chinese characters these words, "The English .Ambassador bringing tribute to the Emperor of China." Besides the boats accom- modating the mission were numerous craft conveying Mandarins and officers who were allotted to the service of the visitors. Indeed, as Sir G. Staunton, the official historian of the Embassy, records, " No slight magnificence was displayed, and no expense seemed to be spared." But the mission had not got very far before it had a taste of the un- pleasant side of Chinese officialdom. A Tartar Mandarin in high office, styled the Emperor's Legate — one Chin-ta-gin — who had been told off to accompany the Embassy to Gehol, raised difficulties in regard to the disposition of the presents. In somewhat brusque fashion he intimated that the Em- peror would expect to have all the presents carried to Gehol and delivered at the same time. Macartney answered him " that the Emperor was certainly omnipotent in China and might dispose of everything in it as he pleased, but that as the articles which I meant to leave at Peking would certainly be totally spoiled if managed according to his notions, I requested he would take them
88 TWKXTIKTH CENTTTRY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
enlinly into hu own hands, for that / must be ocuied fnwn presenting anything in an imperfect or damaged state, as being un- worthy of his Britannic Majesty to give and o( bis Chinese Majesty to receive." This view of the matter "startled" llie Legate and together with the Viceroy's opinion
^S**^
custom. The reception by tlie Emperor took place on September 14th. Macartney gives an interesting description of it in his diary. " We alighted at tlie park gates," he wrote, " from whence we walked to the ini|Terial encampment and were conducted to a large handsome tent prepared for us on one side
APPROACH OF THE EMPEROR OF CHINA TO RECEIVE LORD MACARTNEY. (Comer's •' History of Clliila .ind India.")
induced him to recede from the position he had taken up. But Macartney " could not help feeling great disquiet and apprehension from this untoward disposition so early manifested by the Legate." Later the Legate and his brother ofticials essayed to give the Amb.issador lessons in court etiquette and more particularly in the ceremony known as the kototr. This was done " with a degree of art address and insinuation that Macartney could not help admiring." They said, "they supposed the ceremonies in both countries must be nearly alike, that in China the form was to kneel down on both knees and make nine protestations or inclinations of the bead to the ground, and that it never had been and never could be dispensed with." Macartney replied that the English form was sofDewhat different and that though he was most anxious to do everything that might be agreeable to the Emperor his lirst duty was to do what was agreeable to his own king. This ended the discussion for the period, but a few days afterwards the subject was revived. The Mandarins pressed Macart- ney most earnestly to comply with it, and said it was a mere trifle. "They kneeled down on the floors and practised it of their own accord to show me the manner of it, and begged me to try it whether I could not perform it." Macartney remained obdu- rate, but he subsequently relented to the extent of agreeing to omform to their etiquette provided a person of equal rank Willi his were appointed to perforin the same ceremony before his sovereign's picture as he should perform before the Kmperor himself.
After a short stiy at Peking en route, the Ambatsador entered Gehol in great state on September 8th. Here the old controversy about the etiquette of the reception was renewed. Finally, it was decided that the English ceremony should be used, but that Macartney should not kiss the Emperor's hand, this being deemed repugnant to Chinese
of the Emperor's. After wailing there about an hour his approach was announced with drums and music on which we quitted our tent and came forward upon the green carpet. He was seated in an open palanquin,
prostrations. As soon as he had ascended his throne I came to the entrance of the tent, and holding in both my hands a gold box enriched with diamonds in which was enclosed the King's letter, 1 walked de- liberately up and ascending the side steps of the throne delivered it into the Emperor's own hands, who having received it, passed it to the minister by whom it was placed on the cushion. He then gave me as the first present to his Majesty the Ju-eu-jou or Giou- giou, as the symbol of peace and prosperity and expressed his hopes that my sovereign and he should always live in good corre- spondence and amity. . . . The Emperor then presented nie with a Jeu-eu-jou of a greenish coloured stone of the same emble- matic cluuacter ; aS. the same time he very graciously received from me a pair of beau- tiful enamelled watches set with diamonds." Other presentations were made and the members of the Embassy then sat down to a most sumptuous banquet. " The Emperor sent us several dishes from his own table, together with some liquors which the Chinese call wine, not, however, expressed from the grape, but distilled or extracted from rice, lierbs, and honey. In about half-an-hour he sent for Sir George Staunton and me to come to him, and gave to each of us with his own hands a cup of warm wine, which we immediately drank in his presence, and found it very pleasant and comfortable, the morning being cold and raw. Anmngst other things lie asked me the age of my king and being informed of it, said he hoped lie might live as many years as himself, which are eighty-three. His manner is digiiilied, but affable and condescending, and his reception of us has been very gracious and satisfactory. He is a very tiiie old gentleman, still healthy and vigorous, not having the appearance of a man of more than sixty. 'I'lie order
CHINESE MILITARY, DRAWN OUT IN COMPLIMENT TO THE
BRITISH AMBASSADOR.
(From Sir George Staunton's " L.ord Macirtney's Embassy.")
carried by sixteen bearers, attended by a number of officers bearing flags, standards and umbrellas, and as he passed we paid liim our compliment by kneeling on one knee whilst all the Chinese made their usual
and regularity in serving and removing the dinner was wonderfully exact, and every function of the ceremony performed with such silence and solemnity as in some measure to resemble the celebration of a
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPliE8SIONS OF HONGKONa, SHANGHAI, ETC.
39
religious mystery. . . . The comm.inding feature of the ceremony was that cahn dignity, that sober pomp of Asiatic greatness, which European refinements have not yet attained. . . . Thus have I seen ' King Solomon in all his glory.' I use this expres- sion as the scene recalled perfectly to my memory a puppet show of that name which I recollect to have seen in my childhood, and which made so strong an impression on my mind that I then thought it a true represen- tation of the highest pitch of human great- ness and felicity."
At a later period the visitors participated in the solemn ceremonies incidental to the celebration of the Emperor's birthday. The Emperor did not show himself on the occa- sion, but remained behind a screen where he could see wliat was taking place without inconvenience. At first there was slow music. " On a sudden the sound ceased and all was still ; again it was renewed and then inter- mitted with short pauses during wliich several persons passed backwards and forwards, in the proscenium or foreground of the tent, as if engaged in preparing some grand coup dc thcairc. At length the great band struck up with all their powers of harmony, and instantly the whole Court fell flat upon their faces before the invisible Nebuchadnezzar, ' He in his cloudy tabernacle sojourned the while.' The music was a sort of birthday ode or state anthem, the burden of which was ' Bow down your heads, all ye dwellers upon earth, bow down your heads before the great Kien Lung, the great Kien Lung.' And then all the dwellers upon China earth there present, except ourselves, bowed down their heads and prostrated themselves upon the ground at every renewal of the chorus. Indeed, in no religion, ancient or modern has the Divinity ever been addressed I believe with stronger external marks of worship and adoration than were this morning paid to the plianloni of his Chinese Majesty." On September i8th the .Ambassador had another opportunity of conversing with the Emperor. The occasion was a theatrical performance in the palace to which the members of the mission were invited. At this meeting the Emperor handed to Macartney a casket which he said had been in his family for eight centuries and which he desired should be presented to the King as a token of his friendship. This and other imperial cour- tesies showed the old Emperor in a most amiable light. Hut as far as the great objects of the mission were concerned Macartney was able to make no progress. His efforts to open up negotiations were at first politely ignored, and when he became importunate it was plainly hinted to him that the Em- peror regarded the mission at an end. After this the courtesies which had been paid to the Ambassador became less marked. There seemed even a disposition to humiliate him, as, for example, in compelling his attendance at three o'clock on a cold morning to wait for hours for an audience with the Emperor who never put in an appearance. The results of the mission were tersely summed up in the following words by Aeneas Anderson, who accompanied Lord Macartney in a subor- dinate capacity and wrote an account of the Embassy : " In short, we entered Peking like paupers, we remained in it like prisoners, and we quitted it like vagrants." The mission bore home with it a letter from the Emperor to the King which set fortli in unequivocal terms the determination of the Chinese Government to adhere to the exclu- sive policy which it had hitherto maintaijied. It stated that the proposals of the Ambas- sador went to change the whole system of
European connnerce so long established at Canton, and this could not be allowed. Nor could his consent by any means be given for resort to Limpo, Cluisan, Tientsin, or any northern ports, or to the stationing of a British resident at Peking. He mentioned that the Russians now only traded to Kiatcha and had not for many years come to Peking ; and added that he could not consent " to any other place of residence for Europeans near Canton but Macao." In conclusion, after remarking that the requests made by the Ambassador militated against the laws and usages of the Empire, and at the same time were wholly useless to the end proposed, he read his royal correspondent a sort of lecture on the virtue of resignation to his supreme will, " I again admonish you, O King ! " he wrote, " to act conformably to my intentions that we may preserve peace and amity on each side and thereby contribute to our reciprocal happiness. After this, my solemn warning, should your Majesty, in pursuance of your ambassador's demands fit out ships
a thing of the past. A shooting incident which occurred in 1800 marked very con- spicuously the change which had come over the attitude of officialdom since Lord Macart- ney's Embassy. On the night of the nth of P'ebruary, the officer on watch on H.M.S. Minims at VVhampoa, having hailed a boat which had been at the ship's bows for some time, and receiving no answer fired into her under a conviction that an attempt was being made to cut the vessel's cable. By the dis- charge a Chinaman in the boat was wounded and a second man in the course of a struggle with one of the crew of the Madras either jumped or fell overboard. The Chinese authorities demanded that the oflicer who fired the shot should be given up for exami- nation, and that the man who caused the man to fall overboard should be confronted with his accuser. Finally it was demanded that a basket of vegetables stated to have been taken out of the boat should be res- tored. The Captain of the Madras proceeded to Canton and from thence, on the 22nd of
A SCENE IN AN HISTORICAL PLAY EXHIBITED ON THE CHINESE STAGE. ( From Sir George Staunton's " Lord Macartney's Embassy.")
in order to attempt to trade either at Ning Po, Tehu San, Tien Sing, or other places, as our laws are exceedingly severe, in such case I shall be under the necessity of direct- ing my mandarins to force your ships to quit these ports, and thus the increased trouble and exertions of your merchants would at once be frustrated. You will not then, how- ever, be able to complain that I had not clearly forewarned you. Let us, therefore, live in peace and friendship, and do not make light of my words. For this reason I have so repeatedly and earnestly written to you upon this subject."
Regarded in its main aspect as an attempt to open up the trade of China the Embassy was beyond cavil a conspicuous failure. But that it was not without some beneficial effect is a fair assumption from the course of events in the years following the reception of the mission. The vexatious interferences of Mandarins in the conduct of business were abandoned, and the costly and incon- venient practice of stopping the whole trade on the smallest pretext also apparently became
February, addressed a letter to the Viceroy respecting the thievish conduct of the Chinese, and stated that he had no doubt they would meet with proper punishment. He main- tained that an attempted theft led to the firing of the shot which wounded the man, and he asserted in regard to the second man that he jumped overboard and was not pushed into the water. The demand for the return of the basket was treated as a trifle but a promise was given, nevertheless, that it should be returned. To the Chinese mer- chants who were asked to deliver the letter a statement was made that the captain would not give up the man without seeing the Viceroy, and that he would not even be placed in the charge of the Select Com- mittee. The discussion continued for some weeks and eventually was amicably closed, a settlement being greatly facilitated by the recovery of the wounded man and a confes- sion on the part of the second Chinese concerned that he had thrown himself overboard. Owing to this occurrence, the President of the Select Committee applied
40 TWENTIETH CENTUKY IMI'KESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHAN(JHAI, ETC.
for a a>pv of the laws of China with special reference to the crime of homicide. In reply they received a paper containing extracts from the Chinese c^xle of laws.
The priiK-ipal clauses cited were :
1st. A inan who kills another on the
SMpicton of theft shall be strangled, aca)rd-
3rd. A man who puts to death a criminal who had been apprehended and made no resistance shall be strangled according to the law of homicide committed in an affray.
4th. A man who falsely accuses another innocent person of theft (in cases of greatest criminality) is guilty of a capital offence ;
THE EARL OF MACARTNEY. (FfXMn Sir George Staunton's " Lord Mac;irtney'8 Embassy.**)
ing to the law against homicide committed in an affray.
2nd. A man who fires at another with a musket and kills him thereby shall be beheaded as in cases of wilful murder. If the sufferer is wounded (but not mortally) the offender shall be sent into exile.
in all other cases the criminals whether principals or accessories, shall be sent into exile.
5th. A man who wounds another unin- tentionally shall be tried according to the law respecting blows given in an affray, and the punishment rendered more or less
severe according to the degree of injury sustained.
6th. A man who, intoxicated with liquor, commits outrages against the laws, shall be exiled to a desert country, there to remain in a state of servitude.
"The foregoing are articles of the laws of the Empire of China, according to which judgment is passed on persons offending against them, without allowing of any com- promise or extenuation." After a long period of immunity from trouble tlie more or less friendly relations existing between the British factory and the authorities at Canton were rudely interrupted by an incident of the familiar kind. On P'ebruary 24, 1808, some sailors from tlie Company's sliip Ncpliine got into an alterca- tion with a party of natives near the factory. The men were promptly withdrawn to the factory precincts, but they were followed by a Chinese mob who commenced to throw stones at the factory and at every European passing. Eluding their officers the men rushed out and attacked the mob, causing the death of one of the number. The Select Committee decided to comply with every reasonable demand that might be made upon them in connection with the unfortunate inci- dent, but to resist with firmness anything of a contrary nature. After long discussions between the British and the authorities it was arranged that an examination ol 52 men of the Neptune should take place at the factory, where the Chinese consented to hold the court of inquiry. At the inquiry the forms of a Chinese Court of Justice were observed, but seats were provided for Captain liolles of H.M.S. Lion, the members of the Committee, and for Sir George Staunton, wliile two of Captain Holies' marines with fixed bayonets were posted as sentries at the door of the factory during the whole of the proceedings. The Chinese produced no evi- dence, but Captain Buchanan and the officers of the Ncptniic admitted that eleven men had been specially singled out by their violence in the affray. It was hoped that the assign- ment of some punishment to these men would have satisfied the Chinese, but the Cliinese officials made it clear that they would not be satisfied until some one person had been named. Eventually the name of the ringleader, Edward Sheen, was given, and there seemed every indication that the payment of a sum of money as compensation would now settle the business. As, however, the members of the Committee were about to leave for Macao a demand was made upon them for the custody of Sheen. The claim was resisted, and it was not until Captain Rolles was about to take the man with him on board the Lion that the Mandarins yielded. Ultimately a settlement was effected on the payment of a pecuniary fine. Thereafter trade which had been at a complete stand- still during the prolonged discussions was resumed. The Court of Directors were so gratified with the ability and firm conduct displayed on tlie occasion that tliey passed a special resolution of thanks and voted a sum of ;ii,ooo to Captain Rolles for his part in the transaction.
twp:ntieth century impressions of Hongkong,
SHANGHAI, ETC.
41
CHAPTER VI.
The effe<5t of the War between France and England — British occupation of Macao— Indignation of the Chinese Government — Peremptory demand for the evacuation of Macao— Stoppage of Trade — Withdrawal of the British Troops — Further Incidents at Canton — Outrageous Conduct of the Chinese Officials — Sir George Staunton protests — British leave Canton — Trade resumed — Lord Amherst's Mission — Arrival in China — Ships of the Mission anchor in Hongkong Harbour — Failure of the Mission — Arrogant Policy of the Chinese — Formal Complaint made by British Merchants to the Select Committee of 1 832 — Appointment of Lord Napier as Superintendent of Trade —
His ill-treatment and death.
The prolonged state of war between France and England at the close of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century from time to time influenced the China trade. The British mercantile ships for a consider- able period were regularly convoyed, and in 1804 there was a brisk action in the China seas between a homeward bound fleet of sixteen sail under Sir Nathaniel Dance, and a French squadron under Admiral Linois. The utmost gallantry was shown on this occasion by the British ships with the result that the attacking fleet was beaten off. It was esti- mated that the value of British property at slake on the occasion reached the high figure of si.xteen millions. Consequent upon the frequent visits of the King's ships to the China coast at this juncture negotiations were opened up with the local Chinese authorities for the use of Anson's Bay in the Canton River as an anchorage. The Select Com- mittee were unable to obtain avowed sanction for the use of the bay, but the authorities permitted supplies of provisions to be sent up from VVhampoa, and having secured this material concession the Committee were the less anxious on the other points involved as they were convinced that the anchoring of the ships in the bay would be tolerated, and in time become an established privilege.
In 1808 a serious difference arose between the British and the Chinese authorities owing to action that was taken in connection with the war. A vague report having been transmitted to the Bengal Government to the effect that the P'rench contemplated the occupation of Macao a combined naval and military expe- dition was sent from India to forestall the intended move. A landing was effected in September in opposition to the sentiments of the Portuguese Governor and to the known wishes of the local Chinese. A formal protest was promptly made by the Hoppo against the occupation, and this was followed by a more emphatic remonstrance from the Viceroy. Later, Chinese troops were ordered to the spot to compel the evacuation of the port by the British force, and the threat was held out that in the event of the occupation being continued the ships at Whampoa would be fired. Notwithstanding this hostile attitude on the part of the Chinese a second detach- ment of troops was landed on the 20th of October. By this time trade was at a stand- still, and the usual relations between the authorities and the Select Committee through the Chinese merchants had been broken off. A letter was forwarded by the Committee on the 5th of November to the Viceroy request- ing that some person might be appointed to receive their representation. A reply came through a Mandarin that the Viceroy had seen their letter, but did not think a compli- ance necessary " as the troops must be removed, their remaining on shore being contrary to the law of the Empire." The
Committee intimated that in view of the haughty conduct of the Isontock the Admiral could not remove the troops as such action might have the appearance of fear. The discussion now waxed warmer. As the Vice- roy declined to receive a further commu- nication the President stated his intention to order all British sulijects to quit Canton in forty-eight hours. To this threat the Viceroy replied on the 21st of November that if they wished to make war on China he was prepared, but that he would not commence. He added that the Committee might, if they pleased, remove the ships, but that if they went they would not be permitted to return. Matters remained in abeyance until
further resistance was useless the President gave orders for the withdrawal of the troops and the evacuation was completed by the 2oth of December. The settlement was a distinct triumph for the Chinese authorities. Having made a demand at the outset they never wavered in their determination to enforce it, and in the end they completely carried their point. There can be little question that the incident did much to lower British prestige. An immediate result which flowed from it was that obstacles were placed in the way of the free entrance of the Company's ships to the river. The Court of Directors recalled the President and consti- tuted a new Select Committee and took other
HOUSE OF A CHINESE MERCHANT NEAR CANTON.
(l'"i(im an cngraviiii;.)
the 4th of December, when the Select Com- mittee, then assembled at Macao, received an imperial edict for the withdrawal of the troops. Instead of complying with this the British redoubled their preparations for the defence of the positions they held. As a consequence the batteries at the Bogue forts fired at the ships going up and down the river and the fire was returned. Then came something in the nature of an ultimatum from the Viceroy — a declaration that while there remained a single soldier in Macao and the laws were disobeyed the British should not trade, and that if the Admiral hesitated a moment " innumerable troops would be sent to destroy him." Finding that
measures to efface the unpleasant impression left by the bungling policy of the old Com- mittee. But it was not until the end of October that the Emperor's orders were received for the placing of foreign trade on its old footing. Thereafter events dropped once more into their accustomed groove, though it was not long before new disputes arose to interrupt the course of trade, and the maimer in which these episodes were treated by tlie Chinese officials indicated that they had not forgotten their triumph in the Macao business.
By far the most important of the contro- versies raised raged around the presence in Chinese waters of H.M.S. Doris during the
42 TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC.
»-ar with America. In April, 1814, the Dons arri\-ed in Macao Roads with, as a prize, the American ship Hunter, captured off the LjKlrones. A communicalion was addressed to the President by the Chinese authorities pointing out that the action taken was a
Canton to open up negotiations for a settle- ment with tlie Viceroy. In furtherance of the arrangement Sir George Staunton, on the 20th of October, proceeded to Canton accom- panied by Sir Theopliilus Metcalfe. At the interview which took place Sir George stated
A STREET IN CANTON. (From AlU'in & Wrijiht's ''Chiiui.")
vioblion of the functions of the Celestial Empire, and desiring that the Doris might be directed not to intercept American ships going out of the river. Protracted discussions ensued as to the legitimacy of the course which had been pursued. As the American ship had l>een taken without the limits of the Chinese jurisdiction the Committee did not consider that the Chinese Government had any locus sUimii. They caused it to be known that the Americans had declared war against the British, and that the British oommander had orders to capture American veaiels. The Chinese retort was that " if the English and Americans have petty quarrels let tliem go to their own country and settle them." At the same time the Select Com- mittee were required to order the Doris away. While the war of words was at height the Viceroy aggravated the situation by issumg an order prohibiting the employment of native servants at the factoiy. In vain the Select Committee represented that for one hundred years they had been allowed to employ native servants, and that a change in the custom now would cause great confusion. The Government, finding that their edict was not obeyed as promptly as it anticipated, or at least wished, sent emissaries into the factory with orders to seize all native servants they might find there. A vigorous protest was ItKlgcd by the Commillce against the outrage, but its only effect appeared to be to stimulate the Chinese authorities to greater insolence. Traffic was suspended, one of the Company's captains on his way from Whampoa to Canton, though travelling with an ofiicial pa**, was stopped and forcibly carried to the offidaJ headquarters, and, finally, the Com- mittee's linguist was seized. The Select Committee, after deliberating over the best course to pursue in the face of this outrageous conduct of tlie Canton officials, decided ullimateiy to depute Sir George Staunton to
" that he was charged by the Coiiimiltee with several cominuiiitalions of imporlaiice, but in none of them was anything proposed for themselves more than the prosecution of a fair and equitable commerce under the pro- tection of His Imperial Majesty ; that they entertained every disposition to obey his laws ; that they sought for no innovations, nor were desirous of interfering in any affairs of Government in which they were not concerned." After a series of meetings tlie Viceroy suddenly broke off the negotiations. Sir George Staunton therefore quitted Canton, having previously desired all British subjects to leave also. The Company's ships were by his directions removed from Whampoa to a point near the Bocca Tigris. Here they remained until the middle of November, when deputations of the hong merchants came from Canton to request that further movement of the ships might be suspended in view of the fact that the Viceroy was willing to depute a Mandarin to discuss the remaining points in dispute. Sir George Staunton, responding to the representations made by the deputa- tions, returned to Canton ; but he had no sooner arrived there than he was informed by Howqua, the leading merchant, that the Mandarin would not be sent until trade was resumed. Incensed at this double dealing. Sir George Staunton announced his intention of immediately quitting Canton and at the same time took occasion to point out "the unparalleled disgrace and dishonour which must fall upon himself (Howqua), his Govern- ment, and his country if the promises, upon the truth of which the English gentleman had returned to Canton, were to be so shamefully violated." The hong merchants pleaded that if the Mandarins retracted it was not their fault. Sir George Staunton retorted that such a breach of national faith could not take place without infamy and heavy responsibility attaching somewhere.
The interview ended with a promise on the part of the merchants that they would consult the Mandarins. They did so, with the result that a mcetinsj was after all arranged and took place without the stipulated prior openliij; of trade. A series of proposals bearing upon recent incidents were subsequently drawn up for consideration by the Chinese autlioiilies. Some days after they had been submitted the Viceroy's reply was given through Howqua. Most of the demands made were conceded, though in one or two points the language of the reply seemed to be deliberately obscure.
The capricious and vexatious action of the local authorities at Canton in this and other cases, combined with a desire to establish the China trade on a footing of permanent stability, suggested the advisability of send- ing anotlier mission to the Emperor of China. In the tirst instance the proposal emanated from a gentleman who had been a member of Lord Macartney's suite, and Lord Liverpool's Government were not disposed to think that there was sufficient to justify the great expense Involved in the despatch of the mission. But the Court of Directors adopted the scheme so warmly and brought forward such strong aigunicnls in its favour that the Government ended by extending to the project their hearty support. Ixird Amherst was selected to till the office of ambassador. This nobleman had not the great qualifications for the office which were possessed by his predecessor and in the light of subsequent events it may lie questioned whether the Government choice was altogether a wise one. He was, how- ever, no novice In public affairs and had had training in diplomatic work for some time previously as British representative in Sicily. He eml-iodled In his person the average qualitications of a British diplomat of the period. What he lacked was a knowledge of Orientals and their ways — a very 'serious shortcoming in the circumstances. With
WILLIAM PITT AMHERST, FIRST
EARL AMHERST.
(From a print in tlie British Museum.)
Lord Amherst went as chief assistant Mr. Henry Ellis, who had canled through some delicate negotiations with the Shah of Persia, and the Ambassador's son, the Hon. Jeffery Amherst, also accompanied him. The Alccstc, a frigate of forty-six guns was set apart for the accommodation of Lord
TWENTIETH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONGKONG, SHANGHAI, ETC. 43
Amiierst and his suite, and in attendance subject. At length, when the controversy
upon it were the East Indiaman General had raged for three days, the Ambassador
Hewitt and the brig Lyra. Quitting Spit- was aroused from his bed one morning to
head on February 8, i8i6, the vessels receive a message from the Emperor to the
arrived off tlie Lamma Islands on the loth effect tliat he must either perform the Itotma
ANCIENT VIEW OF PEKING. (From De Goyer & De Keysers •■ Embassy to China.")
of July and found awaiting them there two of the East India Company's ships having on board Sir G. Staunton, who was to accom- pany the Embassy in the important position of interpreter, and other gentlemen who were to discharge various duties in con- nection with it. Two days subsequent to the meeting the squadron, now numbering five ships, dropped anchor in Hongkong Harbour. The occasion was the first on which the position had been brought into prominence by association with important events in the history of British relations with China, but the harbour had often been used previously by merchantmen trading on the China coast, and its advantages were well known though few at the time could have suspected the great destiny which was marked out for the island. Soon after the squ.idron's arrival news was brought to Lord Amherst that the Emperor was pre- pared to receive him. The sojourn at Hongkong was, therefore, cut short, and the vessels sailed on the I2tli of July for the mouth of the White River in the Gulf of Pechili, which was reached on the 28th of July. The Ambassador was kept waiting on board his ship for some days pending the arrival of the Imperial Legate. When at length this functionary put in an appearance the mission landed at Tientsin, reaching that port on August 12th. At the very outset the question of the kotow was raised. The Chinese put the performance of the ceremony forward as an indispensable con- dition of an audience, and they had the effrontery to assert that in complying Lord Amherst would only be following the pre- cedent set by Lord Macartney, who had conceded the point. A further argument used was that trade at Canton would suffer if the Ambassador persisted in his objection to the ceremony. Lord Amherst courteously but firmly declined to entertain the proposal for a moment. He understood the immense importance which attached to his maintain- ing an unyielding attitude, and steadily rejected all proposals made to him on the
or return to England. Lord Amherst's reply was an offer to perform the ceremony pro- vided that he received a formal engagement on the part of the Emperor that any subject of his deputed to England should be ordered to perform the same ceremony to the British sovereign. The Chinese officials declined to
But on the following morning the two Mandarins who acted as conductors of the Embassy stated that two ofticers of very high rank had been appointed to meet the Embassy at Tung Chow, 12 miles from the capital, to renew the negotiation as to ceremonial, and it was suggested that in the meantime a rehearsal of the ceremony should take place. The proposed rehearsal was declined, but Ihe offer was made of a written promise to perform the ceretnony before the Emperor on the terms already stated. The Mandarins seemed to be satisfied with this, and having obtained from the Ambassador the formal document gave orders for the journey to be continued to Peking. Four days subsequently the subject was re-opened by the Mandarins with the object of preparing the way for the recep- tion of the delegates who were to give instruction in the ceremony. It was artfully suggested that the Ambassador might very well yield as "such report as he saw tit might be made to England." The notion that the home authorities should be deceived was promptly spurned, and with renewed emphasis a statement of the limits to which Lord AiTiherst was prepared to go was made. Some Mandarins who brought the message relative to the conference behaved very rudely in the presence of the mission. They treated the objections raised to the performance of the ceremony with insolent contempt. Their inental attitude is well illustrated by the